Editor’s Note:

On Monday leaders from the six Gulf Cooperation Council states will gather in Muscat, Oman for the 29th annual Supreme Council session, the GCC Summit. While last year’s summit captured more attention from international media — given participation of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad — the issues confronting the Gulf leaders this year may be considered far more numerous and complex. To help us set the scene from the summit, we are pleased to share the insights and observations of Dr. John Duke Anthony, President of the National Council on US-Arab Relations, and a specialist in Gulf affairs — himself a regular observer at all of the Supreme Council sessions — on the eve of the summit. Dr. Anthony was interviewed today via email exchange from Muscat, Oman, site of the GCC Summit.

SUSRIS EXCLUSIVE FROM MUSCAT, OMAN

On the Eve of the 29th GCC Summit
A Conversation with John Duke Anthony

SUSRIS: Thank you, Dr. Anthony, for joining us from Muscat, Oman, site of the Gulf Cooperation Council Summit. I believe you have now been an observer at 28 GCC Summits. Can you provide a perspective on the significance of these annual meetings?

JOHN DUKE ANTHONY: I’d like to start by saying that contrary to what many might expect, the topics that are likely to engage the Summit most seriously and for the longest discussions will not necessarily be the events of the previous few days or even the period immediately leading up to the summit. Certainly, such topics as Israel’s major resort to armed force against the Palestinians in Gaza; the onset of a global recession; the international financial crisis; and the continuing plummet in the price of oil will all be discussed, but they will not be the main event.

But this is not all. Other issues and challenges clamoring for attention and redress are the situation in Iraq; the question of whether Israel or the United States or some combination of the two will attack Iran; the implications of developments related to Iran in terms of its ongoing quest for enhanced recognition of its expanded regional status and aspirations with respect to Iraq, Lebanon, Palestine, and the three UAE islands it occupies; the augmentation of American armed forces deployments to Afghanistan; the uncertain near term future prospects for stability and greater security in Pakistan, Lebanon, and Somalia; internationally and regionally heightened concerns related to nuclear developments as well as terrorism and other extremist related phenomena; the prospects for positive change, including America’s standing in this region and practically everywhere else in the world, with the incoming administration of U.S. President-elect Barack Obama; the coming year’s elections in Israel, Iran, Iraq, and elsewhere; and the environment — the list is a very long one. The policymaking and decision making challenges they pose are also in numerous ways far more complex than in many years past.

SUSRIS: To what extent can any summit deal with so many issues?

ANTHONY: They can’t; it’s not possible. Nor is it vital or necessary that they try to do so. Having said that, it is only natural that generalists and others lacking familiarity with the GCC’s origins, nature, and purpose believe that as many of the issues noted as possible would most definitely be among the ones that will be deliberated and debated, if not decided, at this summit. However, what is shocking for observers that have never attended such summits is that this is almost never what happens in the case of the GCC. Indeed, having been invited to attend all 28 of the GCC’s annual summits, I am hard-pressed to recall a single exception. It just doesn’t happen this way.

SUSRIS: Can you give an example or two?

ANTHONY: Yes. Last year’s summit in December in Doha, Qatar, would be an illustration as good as any. Then, practically everyone attending that summit that had never attended one before had to have been surprised and somewhat confused when they looked in the rear view mirror a few weeks later. In doing so they would have been taken aback at the disconnect with what had been their earlier mixed degree of curiosity and self-assurance about what would happen at the summit, on one hand, and, on the other, what in fact happened that in some instances was expected but in other instances was expected to happen but did not. The gap between the two was occasioned by the fact that many, and not for the first time, had approached the summit certain in their own minds that the summiteers would tackle what were one or more of the two hot-button issues of the moment.

One topic observers were keen to write about at the Doha Summit was multifaceted and on the tip of everyone’s tongues. It had to do with the sudden mushrooming of mounting anxieties within the region and abroad about double digit inflation, consumer angst, a weak dollar, near-term steep stock market fluctuations, talk of certain megabuck projects possibly being canceled or delayed, construction contracts being amended, business deals being re-bid, etcetera. A second hot item seized upon by all the media was the fact that Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad attended by invitation. These two fixations created media buzzes that unavoidably and inevitably made their way into print. In the substantial and often lengthy commentary and analysis that accompanied such reporting, however, absent almost altogether were background, context, and the perspectives of the summiteers themselves.

It turned out that many who wrote such accounts did so for reasons that were understandable even if not that relevant to the summit’s actual proceedings. They did so either on their own account as free lancers or because before arriving to the summit their editors had assigned them to report on such topics. As a result, the impressions given in the process, while in many cases making for interesting reading, were misleading. As such they contributed to the outside world’s continued general lack of understanding and knowledge about the GCC and its member-countries and what they are and are not. Indeed, much that was written led readers to believe that the summiteers had convened primarily to deal with the matters noted by many who wrote and had published articles on the summit, when in fact what mainly transpired in reality was something quite different. This is not to suggest that the heads of state, ministers and their advisers took no note of such phenomena. They did. But they did so mainly in passing, not in hours of deliberation.

SUSRIS: How can this be explained?

ANTHONY: The reason, over and beyond what I said about what many outsiders bring to the summits in terms of false assumptions and lack of knowledge and understanding, is that something else that is far more fundamental is in play. At the most elemental level, it has to do with how the GCC governments’ leaders proceed to conduct their collective and respective publics’ business. In short, they are not now nor have they ever been given to rash reactions. For that matter, speaking hypothetically, short of a war having just broken out or some other unanticipated massive calamity having occurred on the eve or day in which a summit convenes, what happens at most summits is not that surprising. Certainly, it is not earthshaking.

In the main, what transpires at a given GCC summit is usually fairly predictable. Indeed, the key topics, priorities, and specific agenda items of what will be processed in the course of discussion and debate among the summiteers are almost always known, understood, and agreed upon ahead of time. Even the outcomes – all or certainly most of a summit’s results – are usually known in advance, certainly to the participants and their closest advisers. Of course there are occasional surprises and exceptions, and there may be one or more at this one, including a new initiative to tackle this or that challenge in a different or amended way than before, but this has been the general pattern. At the convening this evening of the GCC’s Ministerial Council, the organization’s key policy formulating body, there was no reason to believe that the present summit will be any different in this regard.

SUSRIS: Are there examples of other international organizations where this is or has been the case?

ANTHONY: Yes. There are many. To be sure, like every other organization, the GCC has its own different origins, purposes, objectives, and requirements as well as expectations of the members. The member-countries, too, have their own distinct cultures, societies, and traditions. Even so, as a group they also share numerous functions and characteristics of other international organizations. Two organizations in particular that share certain strategic and stylistic characteristics with the GCC, although they are in many other ways quite distinct and different, are the European Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN. Like many of the leaders in these and other regional and sub-regional organizations, the GCC’s decision makers and policymakers are not prone to unprecedented bold and decisive action, reaction, or for that matter inaction absent prior lengthy study of the issue at hand. Neither are they inclined to reach a decision without first having considered the input and comment of many specialists and advisers.

For obvious reasons, this is much of what the staff of the GCC Secretariat General and its departments — Political, Economic, Military — and its standing and other committees dealing with more specialized issues does year-round. Indeed, during practically every week of the year there is one or more GCC-centric meeting being held at the secretariat or in one of the member-states where the relevant official representatives of all six GCC countries are consulting with a view to reaching consensus regarding a variety of GCC policy priorities and challenges. Indeed, this year’s summit, like all the rest, will spend a lot of time reviewing and evaluating the record of the past year since the previous summit. To that end, there will be reports made following discussion about what progress was registered, what delays or unexpected obstacles were encountered, what needs to be reconsidered, and, in every instance, why and what lessons are there to be learned. Failure to tend to this important part of the GCC’s raison d’etre would make no sense and raise valid questions about the organization’s purpose and objectives as well as effectiveness.

There are additional reasons. One has to do with a long-standing agreement and practice among the summiteers. It is that, whenever possible, all serious strategic policy matters before them for consideration need first to be consulted and studied among them at length in addition to being thoroughly researched by their key advisers, the options known, considered, and submitted to discussion and debate at whatever length one or more of the heads of state deem necessary, and the implications for their collective and respective interests as well as key policy objectives weighed in the balance before a decision is taken.

To an outsider pressed before attending a summit with a filing date stipulated by their editors whose knowledge and understanding of what the GCC is and is not is a guaranteed recipe for frustration. When such analysts learn that the summiteers are consumed with other matters, these kinds of attendees are taken aback, but not the summiteers. The latter who conduct the work at h and at these annual meetings are programmed in advance to deal with quite different agendas.

SUSRIS: Obviously, as you indicate, there is no shortage of front burner issues on the Gulf leaders’ to-do list. Some pre-summit commentary has suggested the headline will be Gulf countries’ actions to cope with the global financial crisis. Can you give us a snapshot of how that issue will be approached at the Summit?

ANTHONY: You are correct in assuming that the international financial crisis will be high on the agenda. It will come under the economic agenda. This, from the beginning has always been by far the most extensive agenda at practically every GCC summit. The reason is that the GCC concluded an Economic Unity Agreement in June 1981, barely two weeks after the GCC was established at the first formal summit in May in Abu Dhabi. To date, this is the oldest, largest, and most pervasive pan-GCC agreement among the member countries. Mistakenly interpreted by many at the beginning as a binding accord among the members, the agreement can be likened, as indeed the members meant it to be, to more in the way of a visionary economic blueprint of what would be possible for the GCC to achieve if and when the founders and their successors deemed would be appropriate.

By “appropriate” the sense was that whatever beyond the accord the members as a whole could concur in principle as a worthy goal, and contingent also upon their agreeing to the means by which to reach it, the agreement would warrant their serious and favorable consideration as well as their proactive pursuit towards its achievement. When more than ten years ago I asked one of the senior GCC foreign ministers why this particular focus occupied a greater niche than others, for example in comparison to political or defense cooperation, he answered as follows. “It is because we know our people. This is what they have indicated to us repeatedly that they want the most. It’s also because of their and our awareness that this is the one aspect of the GCC’s work that can be most accurately measured and evaluated. Because it’s tangible, it touches the people directly at the level of their material needs. These of course are for many people the keys to numerous other things. To name but a few, one is talking about people’s families and their children’s aspirations, their physical comfort, their ability to enjoy things they never knew about or possessed before or ever dreamed they would ever have a chance to own and enjoy growing up.”

It is in this context that there is palpable pan-GCC concern about the implications of the current international financial crisis for their near-term present as well as longer-term future. This morning several others and I spent two hours meeting and talking at length with one of the key ministers at the summit who is tasked with helping explain some of the GCC leaders and citizens’ views on these very issues. Joining me and confronting him were some who tried to push him into a corner. They probed this way and that way to see if they could cajole him into admitting that the Economic Death Reaper was near.

An Arab specialist wanted to know whether he agreed with her. She asked whether it is possible that the crisis will be seen in the future as having marked the end of capitalism as the world has known it thus far. Another stated and then asked did not the minister agree that surely the non-stop economic boom that the GCC region has been experiencing for more than the past half decade is going to come to an end in the very near future. Another stated that surely the minister agreed with the following: what could be more dramatic evidence than that which is to hand that now is the time for the GCC countries to end their dependency on the American dollar. With the exception of Kuwait, which pegs its dinar to a basket of currencies, of which the American dollar is the largest unit within the basket, all of the other GCC countries’ currencies are pegged to the greenback.

Still another Arab attendee, a veteran of many summits, opined that if nothing else, this is the time more than any other when the GCC countries can move closer to becoming an international economic bloc of global significance. He continued that, if so, the GCC could for once begin to exercise a degree of input and influence on the nature of international economic, financial, and investment policies that, at the end of the day, have an impact on everyone. And, as if his plate was not already full, the minister was asked to assess where the perennial discussion of a free trade agreement between the GCC and the EU stood at this time.

The minister was at pains to address each of these notions and numerous others imbedded in questions asked that, in essence, implied doomsday was at hand or would soon arrive. Overall, the tone of his responses was one of reflection and unaffected calm. He made several points. One was that it is false to think in terms of potential economic, commercial, or financial ruptures within the GCC.

The same was true, he emphasized, in terms of all of the GCC’s member-countries. His reference was in terms of their individual relations with global financial institutions or their bilateral partners and allies. A related theme to which he repeatedly returned was, in effect, that “Gone are the days of ‘we’ and ‘they’ and ‘those’ and ‘other’ in matters such as these. We have embraced globalization, challenging and demanding as it is and not without reservation and some pain here and there, but, overall, wholeheartedly. For all of us, there is no turning back in this regard. What this means should be obvious: “we are all in this together.”

Continuing with this theme in response to a question as to whether the financial crisis spells the end of capitalism as the world knows it, he said the answer is no. There was an extended debate on this point. During the course of it, he indicated that he agreed with the following view. “There are too many people with vested interests in the long prevailing global economic system of capitalism as people have known it for so long to expect this to happen. The power and determination of vested interests to do whatever is necessary to preserve their benefits, and the system with which they have been associated and the benefits were derived, are not to be under-estimated. The giant beneficiaries of the existing system know what has brought them their success. They can be counted on to fight for the protection and perpetuation of those interests. It cannot be said that this particular economic system, its flaws and failures of which there are many notwithstanding, has been a net failure to the world, at least not yet.”

As for the GCC countries’ own less than perfect financial regulatory structures, institutions, and systems, the minister was quick to acknowledge that there have been shortcomings. He was equally quick, however, to insist that from everything of which he was aware, efforts are already underway to enhance the authority and power of those tasked with oversight and reporting any excesses or people’s attempts at being granted exceptions.

The minister was also quick to imply that however further the world’s current descending economic spiral may fall before it hits bottom and is corrected, he does not see the likelihood of any catastrophic economic consequences for the GCC region as a whole or any of the GCC’s member-countries. He gave as reason that the past five years’ boom times and unparalleled economic, commercial, and financial growth has positioned their treasuries to be able to endure any conceivable economic or financial hardship for at least the next five years. If true, and I have no reason to believe that it is not, this would place the GCC countries fiscally, monetarily, and perhaps also in terms of the prospects for domestic political stability and security in a stronger and healthier position than most of the world’s other countries.

What the minister did concede, however, was the following. He admitted that, “There may have to be ‘amendments’ and ‘alterations’ to the provisions of a range of economic, commercial, and investment projects and contracts in the near-term future to account for the recent crisis.” He mentioned such areas as real estate and the construction sector in particular. Doing so, he said, would be necessary, “In order to take in to account the altered circumstances in which these projects were conceptualized, negotiated, and agreed to, on one hand, and the need to accommodate the straightened economic realities and belt-tightening demands that have intervened in the interim, on the other.”

SUSRIS: In what ways will the deliberations and conclusions reached at the Summit be important to US-GCC relations?

ANTHONY: They will be very important, just as they have always been since the GCC’s inception. The GCC countries have long been America’s de facto allies and strategic partners, dating back to pre-Cold War days. Their partnership with the United States is far from new, and it is multi-faceted.

At one point, US relations with the GCC countries, going back before the GCC’s formations in 1981, hinged to a significant degree on Cold War needs and interests. The GCC countries were allies of the US and NATO in that era, sharing similar concerns and foreign policy goals, and united in a common ideological and societal resistance to Communism.

Throughout all this history, the GCC countries retained a major significance for the US because of their status as producers and exporters of sixty per cent of the world’s known hydrocarbons. Adding to this importance they remaining guardians of the world’s most strategically vital maritime passage, as these hydrocarbons are shipped daily through in the Hormuz Strait.

They have also managed in a short period of time to become centers of world class transportation – for example, Emirates Airways, Al-Ittihad Airways, and Qatar Airways. Simultaneously, they have developed burgeoning tourism industries and have become a hub for imports and re-exports to nearly two billion people in Africa, the Indian Subcontinent, and Central Asia.

The financial importance of the GCC countries has continued to increase. They are the possessors of vast amounts of accumulated capital in the form of sovereign wealth funds and the providers of financial services and investors globally on a scale that has no rival or peer elsewhere in the developing world. More recently, they have evolved into thriving centers for higher education, training, and human resource development.

SUSRIS: Thank you, Doctor Anthony, for sharing your insights on Gulf affairs on the eve of the GCC Summit.

Editors Note:

Tennessee Technological University is a school of about 10,000 students in the town of Cookeville, in Tennessee’s Upper Cumberland region. It is the state’s only technological university and provides outstanding programs in engineering, the sciences, and other areas that benefit Tennesseans and the nation. Tech offers 44 bachelor’s and 20 graduate degrees within six academic divisions and is consistently ranked as one of the best higher education institutions in the Southeast. The student body consists of students from across the State of Tennessee and from around the United States, as well as a diverse representation from around the world.

Cookeville is a charming southern town of about 25,000 that offers the ‘amenities’ of being a college town – arts and culture, sports and more – along with the outdoor recreation available through several State Parks and large lakes within 30 minutes of town. Of course, we may be a little biased as SUSRIS makes its home in Cookeville.

We recently had a chance to host a young Saudi college student, Zeyad Al Shammari, President of the TTU Saudi Students Club as an intern in our office. One of his assignments was to interview Tennessee Tech President Dr. Bob Bell. Here for your consideration is that conversation.

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Saudi Students at Tennessee Tech: A Conversation with Dr. Robert Bell

Zeyad Al-Shammari of the Saudi Students Club and Tennessee Tech University President Dr. Robert Bell.

[Zeyad Al Shammari] First of all, thank you so much for giving us the opportunity to see you today. I will start with my first question. Hundreds of thousands of Saudis have studied in America over the years but Tennessee Tech has not traditionally been one of the American universities that hosted students from Saudi Arabia. Now there are over 70 Saudi students here. What are your observations regarding the arrival of so many students from Saudi Arabia to Tennessee Tech?

[Dr. Robert Bell] First of all, it’s an honor to have you here and to do the interview. My observations are ones of delight. When I first heard that a large number of students were coming I was delighted and talked to [Associate VP for Student Affairs] Dr. Mark Stephens and to others about that. I think it is a wonderful opportunity for all of the students here at the university, not just the Saudi students, to get a chance to experience the culture of another country. That is true with students from any other country, but it’s special that we have this large number coming from Saudi Arabia.

My impressions of the relationships have been very good and I’m hopeful that this interaction gives the Saudi students a good impression and a better understanding of American culture, and particularly the culture of Tennessee, while giving them an outstanding education. I also hope it helps all of our students here at the university a better understanding of our world and the cultures in other places in our world.

[Al Shammari] How do you view the contribution American education makes to Saudi students and to the health of the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States?

[Bell] I think it is very important that countries all over the world understand other countries and other cultures and one way to do that is through student exchange, student visits, and students taking degree programs. I think the contributions are, in one sense, technical – for example, in engineering or business education. When they go back to their home country they take with them a perspective on engineering or a perspective on business, or whatever major they are in, that may be different than they would have gotten in their home country. Again, to me, the big perspective is a better understanding and comfort with the culture of the host country and I think that is more valuable than the education – than the classroom degree – that they receive.

[Al Shammari] So you think that the culture is important?

[Bell] I think it’s very important and its one of the things here at Tennessee Tech that we have tried to do in the last few years has been, not just bringing students from other cultures here, but also sending our students out to experience other cultures. You know, when I travel abroad I learn more and I bring back a significant understanding of something new about that culture. I have never been to Saudi Arabia and would love to go sometime, but wherever you go I think you understand more about the country and its people.

[Al Shammari] I wish you could go to Saudi Arabia and learn about the culture in the Kingdom. What would you tell Americans who ask why international students, especially in the case of Saudi Arabian students, are here at Tennessee Tech?

Tennessee Technological University President Dr. Robert Bell was interviewed by Zeyad Al-Shammari of the Saudi Students Club.

[Bell] Have you seen this book? It’s been on my desk for several years. It’s called “The World Is Flat.” [Thomas Friedman] It is basically a book about the fact that we all have to understand other cultures and that truly the world is a big family and we need to understand that. Like a family, we don’t all think alike and we don’t all agree on everything but we have to understand each other and that’s the first thing I would say to people in Tennessee about why we encourage students from other nations to come here to study.

The other thing I would say is that I would like to think that when those students go back to their home country they are going to influence people in a whole set of countries, not just their own. If they go back to Berlin, for instance, they’ll be working in London and Paris and they’ll do more than just domestic work in Germany. The same thing is true in Saudi Arabia. I’d rather others to be influenced by people who have a Tennessee Tech degree and by people who have studied here in the United States. Our students are well trained and they’re going to be excellent leaders. So I think it’s valuable to our world and I think it’s valuable to our country to train students from all over the world.

[Al Shammari] Who do you think has created differences between Saudi Arabia and the United States? Some people here misunderstand Saudi culture, habits and communities. Do you think the media and politics contributed to the differences?

[Bell] I think the media can be both helpful and harmful in understanding the differences. When I’m in other countries I always try to listen to what is being said about America, particularly in the native television stations, not CNN International or one of the other American broadcasting corporations, but the local stations. I think the media of every country presents a biased opinion of what that country really is like. You certainly don’t get the same perspective in the media like that which personal experience gives you.

At the same time I think the media has helped Americans, especially, to understand the rest of the world. Many Americans would never get a chance to travel, but they can see the rest of the world in many different settings through the media. I think overall, the media has been helpful but I believe that there is also a downside and that they occasionally give a warped portrayal of other countries.

Tennessee Tech Saudi Students Club at the TTU Window on the World Festival

[Al Shammari] There is a saying we use in Arabic, but I will translate it to English, that I used when our group of students met King Abdullah,“All the Saudis here, as your sons.” What advice would you have for Saudi students about academics and campus life at Tennessee Tech? Give them advice as you would advise your son.

[Bell] Well said. I have two sons, and a daughter, and one of my sons studied in Europe and I gave him advice when he left. He was there for three months so it was not a year-long study experience, but I guess my advice to a student – like to my son going anywhere – is, first, to absorb as much of the culture as you can. Americans have a statement called “going native.” It means especially for people like diplomats that when you’ve spent years in a culture you adopt many of the things in that culture. If a student can come here for a year or two — knowing they’re not going to do it all of their life — they can learn and experience the ways of the local culture.

That is, by far, the most valuable thing that they can do. I advised my son to live with a host family, for instance, during his time abroad. So one thing I would say is don’t just experience the academic side and don’t just assume that only the university students portray the real culture of the host country. They are a good start but they are not the entire set of cultural experiences.

Certainly, the university president in me would say don’t forget to study and be sure to do the academics well, too, because that can get you in a difficult spot. The third thing that I would say, and this is certainly as true for an American student going abroad as for a student from any other country coming here, is there will be differences between the local culture and things you are accustomed to. They may be religious. They may be dining habits, food preferences, or whatever. There has to be a broader tolerance on both sides then maybe you would have if you were in your own country.

When I went to Japan I ate foods that I didn’t believe I would ever eat and I found a way to enjoy those foods. I don’t eat them now but I enjoyed them while I was there. I would say to expect that there will be differences and maybe even questions about some of the things that you take for granted and that’s just a healthy learning experience, for both parties. Try to share those things and begin to have dialogue about them.

I lead a Bible study at my church and one Sunday I had a college-age class and we had studied the Koran at one point and I started reading a set of versus to them some of them said, “Oh, that’s terrible, that can’t be.” And I said, “This isn’t the Koran, I’m reading from the Christian Bible. This is Corinthians and this is the apostle Paul talking, not the Koran or something else.” So I think at times it opens up, when you can share in a positive way you begin to understand there are a lot more commonalities to things then there are differences. But you have to start by saying why is that different, why do we do things differently? Again, I think the Saudi student will learn some things about American culture but the Americans that he is talking to will learn a great deal about Saudi culture, too, and I think that is valuable.

So experience the culture. Open the communications where you don’t just expect it’ll be exactly like it was at home. And don’t automatically be offended or put off by something that the American culture might invite you to do. Then study hard. Those would be my primary points of advice to my son.

[Al Shammari] I think these are good ideas. Does Tennessee Tech have to consider the different cultures and religions that international students bring to campus and in what ways does it do that?

[Bell] That’s a very good question and there seem to be two questions there. What does the law require and what should Tennessee Tech be doing in addition to the law. Clearly, in the law, there are many things dealing with freedom of religion and freedom of expression that would say we have to consider those kinds of things. But Tennessee Tech, even beyond the law, has tried to make this an inviting environment for people from every culture in the world. We are not as accomplished at that as we should be. We’re not really good at it because we don’t think about it as often as we should, but we want to go beyond just saying, “We’re glad you are here.” We want to do some things that are more welcoming to students and encouraging for more students to come to Tennessee Tech. We have a campus diversity council, for instance.

One of the issues from the American side is simply race relations, but it is a much broader charter for that council to consider cultural relations and to make certain that we don’t do things that are offensive. Or if we do unintentionally offend, we recognize it and find a way not to do it again.

So one good step was the creation of this new diversity council, which is now in its third year. It was part of our strategic decision to offer more outreach. We also have a number of programs here on the campus that are international in nature. The programs are intended to offer a welcoming environment and to celebrate other cultures. We need to do more of that than we’re doing, but should we consider other cultures and other religions in our outreach? Absolutely. Have we done a really good job of that? I’d give us a B as a grade for that. We haven’t done outstanding work yet but I think we’re moving in the right direction.

[Al Shammari] There is a high number of senior officials in the Saudi Arabian government, 70% of the council of ministers, who have studied in the United States. But people do not understand the ties created by living and working in the United States. What do you think about that statement?

[Bell] I applaud the statement. I think it is true in every sense, that people don’t understand the profound influence that study abroad has on the leadership in a country or the leadership in an organization. And I applaud the fact that so many Saudi nationals who have gone into leadership positions or who have known they were going to be in leadership positions have chosen to study in the United States. I think that’s good for both nations and our world. There is a university in Japan where the chancellor received his Ph.D. here at Tennessee Tech, so obviously I have a home at that university in Japan any time I go to visit. So I think it is good for the United States to have influenced those individuals, hopefully with an understanding that the culture here is welcoming and it is may be helpful in their policy decisions. Hopefully it helps them understand how America may sometimes react to things.

[Al Shammari] Do you agree with what former American Ambassador to Saudi Arabia Charles Freeman said in a Washington conference, “The relationship between Saudi Arabia and America is like a good marriage; it goes up and down. Sometimes you have good times, bad times…”?

[Bell] I use the term family because I think it is just that. That does not mean that a marriage doesn’t have conflict or at times the partners don’t understand each other. In fact, I think often the two partners in a marriage, certainly the 15 or 20 people in a family, don’t all think alike and they may argue sometimes but they still know they’re part of family and they still have a affection and respect for each other at the fundamental level.

[Al Shammari] If you had three tickets from Tennessee Tech to go to any country you choose, which would you choose and why?

[Bell] I’m cutting budgets right now so I don’t have three tickets [laughter]. But if I were choosing based on just my favorite place I’ve ever been, to return to, it would be the Indian Ocean and a country called Mauritius. If I were choosing today, based on Tennessee Tech’s needs, probably the top three would be China, simply because of strategic initiatives of the university there, probably Saudi Arabia because of the new initiatives and the increased presence here on the campus that would make me think there is more opportunity for exchanges there. We were just talking about a trip to Egypt through the Rotary Club and I’m probably not going to make it on that trip now. Third though would probably be Mexico because we still have strong relationships with some universities there and there is an untapped potential for more. I love to travel and see other cultures so those places would be fun. Mauritius would be a fun trip but would not be one that I need to go to for the university.

Tennessee Tech Saudi Students Club at the TTU Window on the World Festival

[Al Shammari] I have heard you like travel and other cultures and you are very multicultural.

[Bell] In some ways, yet I also recognize all of my experience that has been in the United States. I was in Germany talking with a doctoral student from the university of Moscow. He spoke five languages fluently. We were sitting at a table and someone would come by and speak in French and he would react and then he’d be speaking German, and then Russian. I said I have such respect for him doing that and he said, “You have to understand, we are sitting in Berlin. If you were in Chicago and moved 400 miles in any direction you’re still speaking English. In Berlin if you move 90 miles in any direction you’re speaking a different language.” You have to have that ability there, where in America you have been deprived in some ways because while you have cultural diversity it’s a common language. So I was born in Illinois and grew up in Florida and now I’m in Tennessee and those are three different cultures and yet, from a worldview, they are all the same. The fundamentals are all the same.

[Al Shammari] Do you have any last thoughts about the educational opportunity provided to Saudi Arabian students here?

[Bell] I hope that they experience an outstanding education and I think the opportunities are here for students who want to get an outstanding degree. I think the values of this kind of a campus are that it is reasonably small so students can get to know other students and the community easier than they can if they are, perhaps, in a bigger kind of environment. And as you said, I think the City of Cookeville and the State of Tennessee is a welcoming environment. It, like all places, has things that take a little bit of adjustment and there will be some situations that are not as welcoming as others, but in general, it’s a very good environment. There is a lot of value in coming to a campus like Tennessee Tech. From our perspective we are delighted when students come and we want to continue to expand the number of students who are coming here to study. It’s good for Tennessee Tech and good for our world.

[Al Shammari] Thank you so much for the interview and for the opportunity to see you and talk to you.

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About President Robert Bell

President Bell is the chief executive officer of the university and responsible for official communication with the Tennessee Board of Regents. He directs the establishment of and commitment to the University’s mission, strategic goals and objectives, and affirmative action. He directs the administration of and approves fiscal and physical planning as well as educational, research, and public service operations and policies of the institution. The vice presidents of Academic Affairs, Business and Planning, and University Advancement report directly to the president, as does the Director of Internal Audit, Director of Athletics and the Coordinator of Affirmative Action.

Source: Tennessee Tech University

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About Tech

As a comprehensive university, Tennessee Tech offers 44 bachelor’s and 20 graduate degree programs within six academic divisions: Agricultural and Human Sciences, Arts and Sciences, Business, Education, Engineering, and Interdisciplinary Studies and Extended Education.
A university that the Princeton Review consistently calls one of the best in the Southeast, Tennessee Tech offers students the true college experience. The University is committed to the life-long success of students in its undergraduate, master’s, specialist, and doctoral degree granting programs through high-quality instruction and learning experiences.

The University is engaged in scholarly activity, especially basic and applied research, creative endeavors, and public service, with special emphasis on community and economic development. The University supports student participation in a broad array of extracurricular activities as an integral component of its commitment to student life and success.

Small Enrollment, Personalized Setting

Although our enrollment exceeds 11,500, more than half of our classes have fewer than 25 students. That means students are more than just a number here and that strong faculty/staff relationships are typical of an education at TTU. Students are immersed in experiential learning. They learn to write and direct plays, build robots, help cardiac patients with nutrition, improve nanotechnology, and more.

A Beautiful Place to Call Home

Located in Cookeville, Tennessee, a town of about 25,000 residents, TTU offers the best of both rural and urban living. We’re situated near scenic state parks like Burgess Falls and Fall Creek Falls, yet around an hour from three of the state’s biggest metro areas – Nashville, Knoxville, and Chattanooga.

Consistent Top Rankings

Tennessee Tech University is one of the nation’s 50 “Best Value” public colleges and universities according to The Princeton Review. TTU was one of only three public universities in Tennessee and the only TBR institution on the 2010 list. TTU has been named one of America’s 100 Best College Buys, earning designation several years in a row as one of the nation’s best college educations for the cost. USNews & World Report has chosen TTU as one of the Top Public Schools in the South on multiple occasions, and the University has been chosen as a “Best Southeastern College” by The Princeton Review for several years. These accolades are a reflection of the commitment our university has toward the lifelong success of our students. Read more about the rankings and how they reflect our commitment to students.

Source: Tennessee Tech University

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Tech Today

Since Tennessee Tech was established, the university has blossomed from three buildings located on the fringes of a daisy field to an 87-building complex situated on 235 acres. The faculty have grown from the 13 men and women whose responsibilities included greeting students at the Tennessee Central depot to about 370 today. Curricula have changed from programs leading to high school and associate’s degrees to undergraduate and graduate programs, including the M.B.A., the Ed.S., and the Ph.D. in education, engineering and environmental sciences. From the first class of 19 students, Tennessee Tech’s enrollment has grown to more than 10,800. Among the 65,000-plus men and women who have received degrees from Tennessee Tech are the former president of Boeing Corp., a two-time space shuttle astronaut, an NFL pro-bowl player, a New York Times assistant managing editor, a country music superstar, and a four-star general.

Editor’s Note:

Today we offer for your consideration the last of our three part interview with United States Ambassador to Saudi Arabia Ford M. Fraker. In this conversation he provides an update on the military component of the relationship, the partnership in fighting terrorism, reforms in the Kingdom and insights into regional challenges.

Part 1 provided his insights on the current state of the relationship between America and the Kingdom. In part 2 he talked about doing business with and in the Kingdom and his efforts to unknot the visa issue that was the “single biggest impediment to the relationship going forward.”

Ambassador Fraker was interviewed during the Arab-US Policymakers Conference in Washington, D.C. on October 31, 2008. SUSRIS wishes to thank him for taking the time to share his insights and perspectives with us and you.

SUSRIS EXCLUSIVE

Moving in the Right Direction:
A Conversation with Ambassador Ford Fraker
Part 3

SUSRIS: Let’s talk about the military to military ties between Saudi Arabia and the United States. Little has been reported on this important part of the relationship since the 2003 when the regime change in Iraq resulted in the end of the Operational Southern Watch air operations from Prince Sultan Air Base and the departure of several thousand U.S. military personnel. How would you describe the current level of interaction between the militaries and the health of that component of the relationship?

FRAKER: Saudi Arabia is the only country in the world where the U.S. government has two separate training missions each one run by a general. So our relationships with MODA, the Ministry of Defense and Aviation, and the Saudi Arabian National Guard are very strong and getting stronger.

Military contracts on both sides are significant. There’s an enormous amount of opportunity there, which is being aggressively followed up on.

There’s one number I didn’t throw out on the visa side. Three to four years ago there were 100 Saudi military officers training in the U.S. Today that number has jumped to 700 officers.

I am most excited about the critical infrastructure protection agreement signed during the President’s visit to train and supply a 35,000 man Saudi force to protect the oil and gas facilities, diesel plants, power generators and future nuclear plants.

This agreement translates into tens of billions of dollars for what will effectively be the third separate military training mission we will be managing in the Kingdom for the largest ministry, the Ministry of Interior. This will involve internal security, the coast guard plus various risk assessments in the oil fields. So, strategically, militarily, commercially this is probably the single biggest initiative for the U.S.–Saudi relationship.

SUSRIS: Where does that program stand?

FRAKER: The agreement has been signed. General Petraeus came to the Kingdom when he was still commander of coalition forces in Iraq to brief the King on the surge. Knowing he was going to be the new CENTCOM commander, we persuaded him to spend an extra day to brief him on the critical infrastructure protection program because under CENTCOM this partnership will be significant. He was so excited about it that four days later a one star general arrived in my office saying he was the advance planning staff for General Petraeus to train the Saudi facilities security force.

SUSRIS: So this security force will be akin to USMTM and OPM SANG?

FRAKER: Absolutely, that’s the model. We’re setting up an OPM-FSF. Similar to OPM-SANG. FSF being “Facilities Security Force.” The 35,000 man force.

SUSRIS: What is the status of the Saudi piece of the major regional military assistance program announced last year?

FRAKER: It’s moving forward. The JDAM has been approved. I believe the AIM-9X has also been approved. We’re now talking F-15 upgrades and other types of equipment.

COUNTER TERRORISM

SUSRIS: The joint work to counter terrorism has become a major piece of the U.S.-Saudi partnership. How would you characterize those efforts?

FRAKER: We’re clearly on an upward trajectory. The dark days of 9/11 are well behind us, as are the events of 2003 and 2004 in the Kingdom when there were pitched battles in the street against extremists, Westerners were targeted and killed and compounds invaded. During those years, a number of major international financial institutions and companies left the Kingdom. Both sides were deeply shocked by these events.

As I said at the conference today, CIA Director, General Hayden will tell you this is the best, most productive counter terrorism partnership we have in the world, especially when you couple it with the fact that King Abdullah clearly is winning the minds and hearts battle with the populace.

There’s been a certain amount of press directed toward a rehabilitation program started by the Ministry of Interior. It is possibly unique to Saudi Arabia given the social structure of the families and tribes. There is the ability to ensure through that social network that people behave in a certain way, once the social network is on your side.

One of the smartest steps the Saudis took regarding individuals coming back from Guantanamo and Iraq and those caught in the Kingdom is to refer to them as victims, not as criminals. The minute you take that approach it opens up many different avenues for the rehabilitation process. For instance, it allows the government to go to the families and say, “We’re sorry your son has been misled. He is truly the victim of an evil ideology and we want to work with you to ensure that he comes back to the right path.”

So they get the families onside which then gets the tribes onside. Then they deal with the individual in a three-stage process. Stage one is an evaluation with psychologists and psychiatrists to determine where the individual is on the spectrum. Is he a Jihadist who they are never going to be able to reform? Or is he a misled kid who has a chance to turn a new leaf? If they determine he is salvageable then he moves on to stage two, which is the reeducation by religious scholars about what the Koran says about Jihad and everything else.

Stage three is the one we have enormous problems with in the West, because of what they call it. They call it release. So I have to tell people to understand what this is. When the individual is released he has to sign a contract which under Islamic law is important. But not only does he sign it, his family signs it and his tribe signs it. So everyone is onboard to ensure that individual stays on the right path. Then they get him married. They pay for the marriage and the dowry. They then give him a job and then they monitor him for the rest of his life. That’s what release means. In that context it is a unique program. The recidivism rate is very small for those who have been through all the stages of the program.

SUSRIS: The Saudi Interior Ministry recently announced indictments of almost one thousand militants on terrorism charges. Trials are pending.

FRAKER: Yes, through the existing Islamist courts. They want the public to see Taqfirism and Salafism on trial as ideologies.

SUSRIS: What about money flows, charitable donations and so forth? Do the Saudi authorities have a handle on that?

FRAKER: There’s been a dramatic improvement on clamping down on the money flows. Having said that, it is a cash society and you can’t stop people from wiring or taking money out of the country. So, that’s a tough one for any government to deal with. But for sure, the traditional banking system and the normal ways of moving money have been tightened.

REFORM

SUSRIS: What’s your assessment of progress in the areas of social, political and economic reform in the Kingdom?

FRAKER: At the 50 thousand foot level viewpoint, all these issues are moving in the right direction. You can argue whether or not they’re moving fast enough, but they’re clearly moving in the right direction.

Some very exciting things have happened in the last few years. At the conference this morning one of the Ambassadors mentioned the press. Newspapers are now reporting the problems with the mutawwa’ and how they are being sued in court. This would have been unthinkable three or four years ago. That’s one example.

Women. All sorts of things are happening there. Sadly it’s a story that doesn’t get told very well especially by the Saudi women themselves. There is an impressive group of ladies who are making a big impact and are a force, certainly commercially. Seventy percent of all savings accounts are controlled by women. Twenty five to thirty five percent of all businesses are owned by women in the Kingdom. The ones I’ve met are accomplished, dynamic, real forces to be reckoned with. And as Bill Gates says you can’t be a modern country and leave 50% of your work force out in the cold.

They are getting appointed and elected to positions in the chambers of commerce. They are establishing a political voice for themselves with the King and senior positions through these chambers of commerce in a way that is very impressive. Again, a long way to go, but it’s happening.

SUSRIS: What about the durability of reform programs. How key is King Abdullah to progress?

FRAKER: He’s pushing on a number of fronts. One example, the King Abdullah University of Science and Technology. KAUST has specifically been set up to be a coed environment. What happens when he is gone is a valid question. On many issues, he has proven himself to be a visionary. His position with the people gives him authority, moral authority and a credibility that allows him to do a whole range of things that other kings may have difficulty doing.

IRAN

SUSRIS: What are the expectations among Saudis about how the United States approaches the challenges posed by Iran?

FRAKER: Iran has been the big issue on the minds of the Saudis and they are encouraging us to take an active role in countering the spread of Iranian influence in the region. The impetus for the critical infrastructure program was the attack on Abqaiq in 2006 by local extremists. It is believed that in the event of any problems or hostilities in the region, it will be the Eastern Province oil and gas facilities that will be the targets of both internal and external attacks.

SUSRIS: The prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran raises concerns about proliferation around the Gulf. What’s your view?

FRAKER: This is why the nuclear cooperation package signed during the President’s visit to Saudi Arabia in May was very important politically as well as practically. There are three aspects: a memorandum of understanding to help develop a peaceful nuclear industry; a non-proliferation agreement; and an agreement to combat nuclear terrorism. This should be seen as a strong message to the Iranians on the nuclear front.

SUSRIS: What other regional security issues concern Riyadh?

FRAKER: A big concern is Yemen. People are worried that Al Qaeda is reestablishing itself. Mecca is only 800-900 kilometers from the border and it is difficult to control who is coming in and out because you can’t stop pilgrimages to Mecca.

SUSRIS: Do they see an Iranian hand there?

FRAKER: Yes. They are concerned about Iranian influence everywhere.

About Ambassador Ford M. Fraker

Ford M. Fraker was sworn in on April 11, 2007 as U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. At the time of his nomination by President George W. Bush, Ambassador Fraker was serving as Chairman of the Trinity Group Limited, a private investment banking firm in the United Kingdom and as consultant for Intercontinental Real Estate Corporation in Boston, MA.

Ambassador Fraker graduated cum laude from Harvard University in 1971 with a Bachelor of Arts degree. He has served as a banker in the Middle East for more than 30 years. He began his career with Chemical Bank where he worked from 1972 to 1979. He worked in Lebanon, the UAE, and Bahrain, ending as a Vice President and Regional Manager for the bank’s Bahrain office. He joined the Saudi International Bank in 1979 and worked for SIB until 1991, holding positions of increasing management responsibility in the bank’s General Banking, Credit and Client Development units. When he left SIB in 1991, Ambassador Fraker was serving on the bank’s Management Committee.

Ambassador Fraker founded Fraker & Co. in 1991, and in 1993, he joined MeesPierson Investment Finance (UK) Limited, where he was the Managing Director responsible for placing U.S. and European investment products with European and Middle Eastern institutional and private investors. In 1997, he co-founded Trinity Group Limited and continued to serve as Managing Director and Chairman until his nomination by President Bush.

Ambassador Fraker was born in Princeton, NJ and speaks French and Arabic.

Source: U.S. State Dept.

Editor’s Note:

Today we offer for your consideration part 2 of the three part interview with United States Ambassador to Saudi Arabia Ford M. Fraker. Part 1 provided his insights on the current state of the relationship between America and the Kingdom. In this part he addresses the business component of the relationship, the security environment in the Kingdom and the challenge of sorting out the visa policy. On Monday, part 3 of this series will include Ambassador Fraker’s discussion of regional security issues, reform initiatives and the counter terrorism partnership.

SUSRIS EXCLUSIVE

The Diplomacy of Business
A Conversation with Ambassador Ford Fraker
Part 2

BUSINESS TO BUSINESS

SUSRIS: The business component, as you said earlier, leads diplomacy in the relationship with Saudi Arabia. What do you tell Americans about the business environment in the Kingdom?

AMBASSADOR FORD M. FRAKER: As I said this morning at the conference, if you’re in a U.S. business with international aspirations and you’re not looking at the Saudi market, than you’re missing the opportunity of a decade if not the next three decades.

SUSRIS: Any specific sectors you would suggest or is it the boom of all booms and the opportunities are wide open?

FRAKER: It’s the boom of all booms. It really runs the gamut from professional services, construction and manufacturing. It is all sectors.

SUSRIS: Many Saudi business people feel Americans are not getting onboard with the economic opportunities, the boom, to the extent they should be.

FRAKER: I agree with that. It’s gradually changing but not fast enough. It’s a big frustration for me because it’s a big part of what we try to do – to get this message out to U.S. companies. It’s a hard one, simply because the public perception of the Middle East in general and Saudi Arabia specifically has been so negative for so long. 9/11 is still in people’s minds. So to move beyond that tragic event will require more time and attention and education.

Then it comes down to who actually is going to do that job – to get the message out? Should it be the Saudis? One of my complaints with my Saudi friends is that I’ve been running around this part of the world for 30 years and for 30 years they have been ineffective putting their own case across to the American public despite the money spent.

On the other side, should it be the State Department? Should it be the Commerce Department? Certainly the Commerce Department should be promoting the opportunities in the Kingdom. The Embassy has a Commercial Attaché, and I am constantly stressing the need to increase the number of business delegations to the Kingdom and to identify ways we can increase the people to people connection. At the end of the day, that’s what it’s all about. If we can get people on airplanes to visit Saudi Arabia, they will see for themselves the opportunities for partnerships.

After 30 years of doing business in the region, I have seen that every time someone comes to the Kingdom they leave more positive than when they arrived, every single time. So half the battle is getting them on an airplane.

SUSRIS: What about competition? Are the Chinese and Europeans taking up what Americans are leaving on the table?

FRAKER: The United States is still the largest trading partner but we’re losing market share to Asian and European companies for several reasons. Their proximity to the Kingdom and, frankly, more of their companies are coming to the Kingdom so they are getting more of the pie. Plus they are benefiting from the overhang of a neutral to a negative reaction to America as a holdover of the 9/11.

Again, I see that corner being turned. Fundamentally the Saudis would prefer to do business with us and the five-year visa is making that easier.

TRAVEL SECURITY

SUSRIS: Before we talk about visas let’s talk about a different impediment for Americans going to the Kingdom, the State Department warnings about travel in Saudi Arabia. Are you satisfied that the security conditions in the Kingdom are compatible with Americans visiting, living and working in Saudi Arabia?

FRAKER: Yes. In fact we’re in stage three of a return of families program. In September 2007, I got approval for stage one – adult family visitation for two week visits. This was followed by stage two – approval for all family members to visit for two weeks.

We’re now pursuing a program of return of families. The first step will be the return of adult family members and a move to a two-year posting. This is an important signal to companies.

SUSRIS: Do you see any change in attitudes about living and working in the Kingdom when you talk to people in the business community?

FRAKER: Yes, a little bit. I’ve rewritten the travel advisory warning four times. When I first arrived the wording was such that life insurance policies would not cover senior executives traveling to the Kingdom.

That was a very real impediment. An executive would say that he was going on a business development trip to Saudi Arabia and his corporate lawyer would say no you’re not because you are not covered. With the approval of two-week visitations for family members, the travel warning has been rewritten so there are no legal impediments now, as far as corporate insurance to prevent executives from traveling to the Kingdom.

You can argue whether or not the language is too extreme or too alarming, but we hope the message that we are in a return of families program means that we are sufficiently satisfied that the internal security environment is good enough for us to start this program.

That whole story is moving positively in the right direction. It is based on an improved security environment in the country. It’s not that the threat stream necessarily has diminished. It’s that the local security forces have proven able to confront and deal with the risks that exist and have demonstrated efficiency in heading off threats. So that’s a big part of why I feel comfortable we can move forward.

VISAS

SUSRIS: Visas and port of entry procedures for Saudis – business people, students, tourists – traveling to the United States. A lot of business is not getting done because of the travel constraints. What’s your take on the situation?

FRAKER: It probably took me about 27 seconds to figure out the visa issue was the single biggest impediment to the bilateral relationship moving forward. I was warned about it before I arrived in Riyadh and it was instantly crystal clear and it moved right to the top of the list.

The visa issue had become sort of a litmus test for the overall relationship and the commitment of the United States to Saudi Arabia. Every time I went to see senior Saudi officials they did not want to talk about Iran or Iraq. They wanted to talk about visas. It was overwhelming the relationship.

I was pleased to get the President engaged on this issue on his first trip to the Kingdom, in January, sufficiently such that he committed to the King that he was going to fix the problem. Which meant that we all had something to work for knowing he was coming back in May. I kept saying to everyone the King won’t see the President unless he’s fixed this problem because he promised to fix this problem. And he’s coming out in May so that’s our time frame.

It proved to be an effective cudgel both back in Washington as well as in Riyadh to make sure it happened. It wouldn’t have happened if it hadn’t been for the President’s trips and his engagement from the top down.

We had such a position in the Kingdom, which is why it just drove me nuts – as a banker – that we were not capitalizing on the opportunities as we should have. When I spoke with the President, I talked about the billions of dollars of contracts that we had lost simply because our competitors could say to customers, well you can’t award this contract to the Americans because 20 percent of it is a training component and you’ll never get the visas to go to the United States to train.

In specific cases Americans were losing contracts for that reason. And when they were winning contracts, it might be specified in the contract that the training component would happen in the UK or Europe. So we were missing all the soft benefits from this business as well. The President is a businessman and he got it.

The change in the visa policy would not have happened if he had not heard it first hand. On his first visit in January we arranged a roundtable of young Saudi entrepreneurs, all U.S. educated business owners. I met with them the night before the discussion and said this is your opportunity to talk about your businesses. Talk about the challenges you’re facing vis a vis doing business with the United States. That’s what he wants to hear about.

The press was present. I made a statement. The President made a statement. Then the press left. The President said, okay tell me about your businesses. All twelve of them went after him on the visa front with countless stories about business they’ve lost. The frustrations they’ve had. The fact they are not traveling to the United States any more. They’re not sending their kids to the United States for vacation or to attend universities. At the end of it he walked out and said I gotta fix this.

President George W. Bush participates in a roundtable discussion with Saudi entrepreneurs Tuesday, Jan. 15, 2008, at the United States Embassy in Riyadh. White House photo by Chris Greenberg

When the President came back in May, the provisions of the five-year visa had been agreed to. We went into the King’s office for the meeting, and the first thing the President said to him, “Your Majesty.. I’m so pleased we could sort out this visa problem, because now we’re going to educate the next generation of Saudis. I met with some of your young entrepreneurs and when I heard their stories I was committed to make this happen.”

It’s five years, reciprocal. This means that Americans should be getting five year multiple entry visas for business. Saudi tourists are receiving five-year visas and students get up to five years depending on their term of study. So a student on a King Abdullah scholarship, which includes one year of English and four years at a university will receive a five year visa. A student enrolled in a two-year graduate business program will be issued a two-year visa.

This is to prevent the situation we still have where students come back to the Kingdom after their sophomore year to renew their visas and they get held up and don’t make it back for junior year. As a parent can you imagine the ill will and upset that that creates.

So at the moment we are riding a positive crest on visas.

Another cause of ill will and angst has been the secondary screening process Saudis between the age of 16 and 45 are automatically subject to upon arrival in the United States. As a result of the President’s visit in January, Homeland Security Secretary Chertoff came to the Kingdom in February to discuss the issue. We are now implementing a system to exchange airline passenger information. That means before flights arrive at the port of entry the security checks will have been done. It will be like the program for flights from Europe to the United States.

SUSRIS: So now we have five-year visas. Is the issuance still Riyadh only?

FRAKER: No, we’ve gone to full issuance in Dhahran. We did that in June.

SUSRIS: The Jeddah Consulate is moving?

FRAKER: A new consulate is under construction now northeast of Jeddah and is projected to open in 2010. It will be a much more secure facility than we have now.

Next:
On Monday in the final part of our three part conversation with America’s Ambassador to Saudi Arabia Ford M. Fraker, we talk about the the partnership in counter terrorism, reforms in the Kingdom and regional security issues. Look for that SUSRIS Exclusive on December 1st.

About Ambassador Ford M. Fraker

Ford M. Fraker was sworn in on April 11, 2007 as U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. At the time of his nomination by President George W. Bush, Ambassador Fraker was serving as Chairman of the Trinity Group Limited, a private investment banking firm in the United Kingdom and as consultant for Intercontinental Real Estate Corporation in Boston, MA.

Ambassador Fraker graduated cum laude from Harvard University in 1971 with a Bachelor of Arts degree. He has served as a banker in the Middle East for more than 30 years. He began his career with Chemical Bank where he worked from 1972 to 1979. He worked in Lebanon, the UAE, and Bahrain, ending as a Vice President and Regional Manager for the bank’s Bahrain office. He joined the Saudi International Bank in 1979 and worked for SIB until 1991, holding positions of increasing management responsibility in the bank’s General Banking, Credit and Client Development units. When he left SIB in 1991, Ambassador Fraker was serving on the bank’s Management Committee.

Ambassador Fraker founded Fraker & Co. in 1991, and in 1993, he joined MeesPierson Investment Finance (UK) Limited, where he was the Managing Director responsible for placing U.S. and European investment products with European and Middle Eastern institutional and private investors. In 1997, he co-founded Trinity Group Limited and continued to serve as Managing Director and Chairman until his nomination by President Bush.

Ambassador Fraker was born in Princeton, NJ and speaks French and Arabic.

Source: U.S. State Dept.

Editor’s Note:

The use of a matrimonial metaphor to explain U.S.-Saudi relations is not foreign to the pages of SUSRIS. Middle East Policy Council President Chas Freeman, who served as America’s Ambassador to Saudi Arabia during Desert Storm days, was quite descriptive in portraying the Kingdom’s infatuation with other partners in remarks to the World Affairs Council of Northern California (shared in SUSRIS), “I want to speak with you this morning about foreign affairs, by which, of course, I mean failing marriages, extramarital relationships, and instances of bigamy, maybe even polygamy. It’s pretty racy stuff compared to most diplomacy..” He referred to U.S.-Saudi ties as being, “..locked in a Catholic marriage. But they are Muslims and they don’t have to divorce us to take a second wife. Hence their romances with China and India.”

The top American diplomat in Saudi Arabia, Ford M. Fraker, is also comfortable comparing the Washington-Riyadh connection in that fashion, “..it’s like a good marriage. You go up and down and you go through good times and bad times. But fundamentally the reasons you engaged in the first place are validated and confirmed, so you carry on. All the time you’re actually planting deeper roots in different areas.”

Today we’re very pleased to offer for your consideration our exclusive conversation with Ford Fraker. His service as U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, since May 2007, follows over 30 years experience in Middle East banking (bio below).

Ambassador Fraker talked to SUSRIS on the sidelines of the Arab-US Policymakers Conference in Washington, D.C., on October 30, 2008 where he joined three former U.S. ambassadors to the Kingdom to talk about U.S.-Saudi relations.

In part one of this three part interview Ambassador Fraker gives his perspective on the state of the marriage. Part two, covering business relations and visas, will be in your email inbox on Wednesday morning and part three will be provided next Monday.

SUSRIS EXCLUSIVE
Managing the Marriage
A Conversation with Ambassador Ford Fraker – Part 1

SUSRIS: Thank you, Ambassador Fraker, for taking time to talk with us today. Let’s start with your assessment of the importance and health of the relationship.

AMBASSADOR FORD M. FRAKER: This is a 75-year relationship. One of the things that really impressed me when I arrived was the depth and breadth of the different relationships we had with the Saudis across a whole range of activities. I’m absolutely sure, that that’s why the relationship did not break after 9/11.

As a banker, one of the things I love telling my diplomatic friends is that in 1933 the United States and Saudi Arabia signed the oil concession agreement first and then, six months later, formal diplomatic relations were began. So business has always led diplomacy in Saudi Arabia.

Then overlay the fact that 25 percent of the world’s known oil reserves – about 260 billion barrels — are located in the Kingdom’s Eastern Province. What many don’t know is there is probably another 500 to 700 billion barrels there as well. So anyone who thinks that oil is going to be part of our hydrocarbon future has to be convinced that Saudi Arabia is going to be leading the way in that regard and will remain the most important player in that market.

SUSRIS: Has the relationship gotten past the 9/11 aftershocks? What is the legacy of that period?

FRAKER: We are seven years past 9/11, which was truly a tragic event. From the intelligence we’ve collected since then, we know for a fact that 9/11 was a deliberate attempt by Osama bin Laden to split the Saudi-US relationship.

Bin Laden’s primary objective was Saudi Arabia and the moderate Muslim countries, not America. He knew full well that he would have no chance at striking Saudi Arabia effectively, or the other moderates, if they were closely allied to America.

So every time I sit with a senator or a congressman, and the phrase “15 of the 19” is brought up as a reason for not doing something we should be doing, then bin Laden is winning. Both countries are being manipulated by someone who had a political agenda.

The message should be to understand what happened in a real context and that Saudi Arabia is not a country of terrorists that hate us and want to kill us. In fact it is the opposite. They are about as pro-American as any country in that part of the world can be. Fifty percent of the Majlis Ash-Shura, the Saudi Consultative Council, have been educated in the United States. Seventy percent of the Council of Ministers, non-royal, have been educated in the United States. Almost every one of the senior ministers has been educated in the United States. People don’t understand the ties created by living and studying in the United States.

SUSRIS: Among many of the Saudis who are pro-American the recent period was very frustrating. One could sense a fatigue in trying to get the generations old connections back on track. It was probably best summed up by a businessman who said that America sometimes makes it hard to be its friend. How do you see it?

FRAKER: I use the analogy with the Saudis that it’s like a good marriage. You go up and down and you go through good times and bad times. But fundamentally the reasons you engaged in the first place are validated and confirmed, so you carry on. All the time you’re actually planting deeper roots in different areas.

What has happened since 9/11 is Americans and Saudis have decided for all the obvious reasons that to reengage is the most important thing given the shared strategic objectives.

In many ways the roots of the relationship have had to be reaffirmed, and I think everyone has decided the reasons we were friends still apply. The fundamentals are still in place. King Abdullah has been very proactive in moving the relationship forward particularly in the areas of security and counter terrorism.

SUSRIS: During that rough patch in the marriage, as you put it, the Saudis expanded their role and voice in the region and in the world, taking leadership in crisis management and expanding political and economic ties, especially in Asia. How is this more independent, assertive Saudi Arabia viewed?

FRAKER: We need to interject a much more balanced approach on how we deal with them. I see the Saudis beginning to reach out in many ways. Ambassador Al Jubeir will also be a bridge in the relationship, which is a plus for us at many different levels.

SUSRIS: Anyone who considers the relationship important must wince when media pundits and politicians discuss Saudi Arabia in terms of simplistic stereotypes. How do misinformed views affect your work?

FRAKER:. There is so much misunderstanding and lack of knowledge, which is why I encourage everyone, especially government officials, to visit the Kingdom. That’s why I said people think I should be spending 80 percent of my time in the United States and 20 percent of my time in Saudi Arabia because most of the problems in the relationship are here and not in the Kingdom.

The problem is that in two quick, pithy lines you can absolutely destroy Saudi Arabia but the counter to those two lines requires at least a 20-minute explanation. It’s so difficult to engage anybody for the length of time that’s needed to help them understand what the real issues are.

That’s a problem – the consistently negative image – that goes back to the “Come on guys, in 30 years you haven’t figured out how to do the right public relations here. To tell your own story.” It’s a very tough challenge. You know, not very many journalists come out to the Kingdom either. I don’t know why.

SUSRIS: The Strategic Dialogue between Washington and Riyadh was launched after the 2005 Crawford, Texas meeting of President Bush and King Abdullah, then Crown Prince. How is it going? Is it still a viable process?

FRAKER: I think it is. We were planning a Strategic Dialogue meeting in November, co-chaired by Secretary Rice and Prince Saud, to convene the various working groups and have their reports. That is not going to happen now. However, the working groups continue and are doing good work particularly in the areas of counterintelligence and security.

The real importance of the Strategic Dialogue is that it institutionalized the relationship in a way that I think is very healthy. Traditionally the relationship hinged so much on personalities. This structure, which I assume will stay in place, and I’m certainly going to recommend that it does, will insure that the important issues are being addressed in an ongoing, structured format.

Next: In the second part of our three part conversation with America’s Ambassador to Saudi Arabia Ford M. Fraker, we talk about the business relationship between the United States and the Kingdom, the environment for American investment, and his work in breaking the visa logjam. Look for that SUSRIS Exclusive on Wednesday.

About Ambassador Ford M. Fraker

Ford M. Fraker was sworn in on April 11, 2007 as U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. At the time of his nomination by President George W. Bush, Ambassador Fraker was serving as Chairman of the Trinity Group Limited, a private investment banking firm in the United Kingdom and as consultant for Intercontinental Real Estate Corporation in Boston, MA.

Ambassador Fraker graduated cum laude from Harvard University in 1971 with a Bachelor of Arts degree. He has served as a banker in the Middle East for more than 30 years. He began his career with Chemical Bank where he worked from 1972 to 1979. He worked in Lebanon, the UAE, and Bahrain, ending as a Vice President and Regional Manager for the bank’s Bahrain office. He joined the Saudi International Bank in 1979 and worked for SIB until 1991, holding positions of increasing management responsibility in the bank’s General Banking, Credit and Client Development units. When he left SIB in 1991, Ambassador Fraker was serving on the bank’s Management Committee.

Ambassador Fraker founded Fraker & Co. in 1991, and in 1993, he joined MeesPierson Investment Finance (UK) Limited, where he was the Managing Director responsible for placing U.S. and European investment products with European and Middle Eastern institutional and private investors. In 1997, he co-founded Trinity Group Limited and continued to serve as Managing Director and Chairman until his nomination by President Bush.

Ambassador Fraker was born in Princeton, NJ and speaks French and Arabic.

Source: U.S. State Dept.

“Ask the Ambassador” – Ford M. Fraker – State Department online forum

Ford M. Fraker – Wikipedia

National Day Remarks: “A Strong Relationship” – Amb. Ford M. Fraker – SUSRIS IOI – Sep 27, 2008

Ford M. Fraker Named Next – U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia

U.S. Embassy Riyadh

Related Material:

Arab-US Policymakers Conference (AUSPC 2008)

SUSRIS EXCLUSIVE – Reforms and Relations: Perspectives on the Kingdom – A Conversation with Amb Chas Freeman – SUSRIS Interview – Oct 8, 2008

SUSRIS EXCLUSIVE – American Businesses and Saudi Opportunities: Missing the Action? – A Conversation with Khaled Al Seif – SUSRIS Interview – Sep 4, 2008

SUSRIS EXCLUSIVE – The Rule of King Abdullah: A New Paradigm – A Conversation with Jean-Francois Seznec – SUSRIS Interview – Aug 1, 2008

President Bush – Visit to Saudi Arabia and the Middle East – May 2008 – SUSRIS Special Section

The Arabs Take a Chinese Wife: Sino-Arab Relations in the Decade to Come – Chas W. Freeman, Jr. – SUSRIS IOI – Jun 1, 2006

EXCLUSIVE

Editor’s Note:

In this exclusive interview on the sidelines of the recent US-Arab Economic Forum in Washington, D.C., SUSRIS spoke with Engineer Khaled Musaed Al Seif, a leading Saudi businessman and Chairman of the Committee for International Trade (CIT) within the Council of Saudi Chambers of Commerce and Industry, about the opportunities for American businesses in the Kingdom and how they were responding to the boom.

This discussion might be seen as an update of SUSRIS’ initial interview with Mr. Al-Seif in Atlanta, Georgia in May 2005. At that time he was leading one of the largest business delegations ever assembled from the Kingdom on a multi-city tour of the United States to promote trade and investment. Our conversation covered a wide swath of issues of interest to American business people — the history of U.S. business relations in the Kingdom and how that has benefited both partners, the reforms that have reshaped the Saudi economy, the status of the bilateral relationship and the prospects for economic expansion in the Kingdom — the “boom.”

Talking with Mr. Al Seif and other Saudi business leaders — then and now — you cannot help but be struck by two recurring themes. First is the breadth and depth of American business relationships with the Kingdom since the early days of the relationship, and how these ties motivate many Saudi businesspeople to explore American trade and investment options first. The second is the obvious disappointment that American businesses are not taking advantage of the current, unprecedented opportunities in the Kingdom as Saudi Arabia has embarked on a period of massive economic expansion.

***

American Businesses and Saudi Opportunities: Missing the Action?
A Conversation with Khaled al-Seif

SUSRIS: Thank you for taking time to talk about the business environment in Saudi Arabia. At a Saudi trade mission in the United States in 2005 you characterized the economy as a “boom that was wider and deeper than the boom of the 1970s.” What is your assessment of the economic situation in the Kingdom now?

Eng. Khaled Al-Seif, Chairman, Committee for International Trade (CIT)

Khaled Al Seif: I’m happy to report to you that what I was forecasting several years ago is taking place now. We are living in the midst of this major boom. It is not only the result of oil prices and increased oil production but as I said before it is the result of the economic reforms already underway. With regard to oil revenues, as you know, Saudi Arabia is producing nearly its maximum capability to keep the price of oil as stable as possible. Oil production has doubled in just seven or eight years ago. So that is clearly having an effect on Saudi Arabia’s economic situation.

However, the economic reforms that we discussed last time have really started to take hold and we’re seeing the results of some of those reforms. Let’s start with privatization. For example, there’s the recent start of the privatization of Saudia Airlines. First the government opened the opportunity for two other airlines to start operating in Saudi Arabia — one from a base in Riyadh and the other in the Eastern Province. Saudia itself has been divided into five companies now, two of which have already been privatized and the other three are on their way to being privatized as well.

In the telecommunications arena, the last time we talked the government owned company STC was privatized. Second and third licenses have been issued as well. In the last year more than $9 million in desalinization work has been given to the private sector.

In addition, several other sectors are being opened to private sector participation, including things like waste management and various other sectors. These are great opportunities for the private sector. There are new regulations for 100% foreign ownership of some of those investments and projects. So American companies can come in at 100% ownership in a business or manufacturing and take advantage of all the competitive advantages that Saudi Arabia has to offer. They can work on the same terms as a Saudi Arabian company.

SUSRIS: We are seeing the development of new cities, mega-cities, economic and knowledge cities that are bringing a new base of industrial capacity. Can you comment on this expansion and diversification?

Al Seif: The economic reforms have resulted in a major expansion of activities. To support this expansion you need more infrastructure. So the idea of the economic cities was developed as a quick way to jump-start a new infrastructure base out of which a lot of industries and new businesses could work. So it’s a very intelligent move on behalf of the Saudi Arabian General Investment Authority [SAGIA]. This will make it possible to cater to the expansion.

SUSRIS: In the case of the King Abdullah Economic City the investment is private investment, does that signal the strength of the private sector in the Kingdom?

Al Seif: Actually the level of comfort is extremely high within local businesses. People can see the strength. There are a lot of companies and individuals that had funds oversees that are bringing money back into Saudi Arabia because it is the most profitable area for them to be. Business confidence is at its highest level that I have seen in years. People are very confident about what they see in this economy. People are very confident about our King, King Abdullah. We are very lucky having this King. He is well liked by everybody. Not just business people, but the people in the street too. He has done a lot and is still doing a lot. He is the champion of these reforms. We were afraid that with the generation of revenues coming in from oil prices and increased oil production that some of those reforms would slow down. Questions would be raised about why should we privatize these sectors — “We have the money now, why don’t we keep owning it?” — but the King did it. The King was adamant that these reforms were here to stay and that the reforms were irrevocable.

SUSRIS: At the 2005 Saudi trade mission that traveled across the United States the delegation announced there was $600 billion of investment and partnerships that would be available to American business people and others. At this year’s US-Arab Economic Forum in Washington that number was cited as being about $1 trillion. Can you comment about the U.S. participation in those partnerships and on what’s on the table now?

Al Seif: Yes, the number has increased. We had conservative figures at the trade mission. We found the appetite, particularly from the private sector, was much larger than what we expected. More projects were put out, such as petrochemical plants, more industries, more oil and gas work, a bigger expansion plan by Saudi Aramco to increase production capacity. And several projects started much earlier than the initial forecasts had allowed. So the figure of $1 trillion now appears to be more accurate than the $625 billion.

The issue, though, is that American participation has not been that great. There is still reluctance among American companies to take advantage of the boom in Saudi Arabia. What will happen is they will miss out “big time” in those opportunities. What you have to know is that many of the opportunities, particularly the privatization programs, are concessions for 25 years or 50 years. Once those concessions are given now — to a European consortium, or a Chinese consortium, or a Malaysian consortium, or you name it consortium — that settles it for 25 or 50 years.

SUSRIS: To what would you attribute the lack of appetite among American business people that you talk with for not taking advantage of those opportunities?

Al Seif: I had a meeting with the Business Roundtable, a group of the leading American CEOs, which represents about one third of the total value of U.S. stock markets. They immediately saw the opportunities; they were interested in the opportunities in Saudi Arabia. But they also imagined there were impediments. Among them are the misconceptions about working in Saudi Arabia. We gave them the facts about Saudi Arabia but I think we have to encourage them to visit Saudi Arabia so they can see the place with their own eyes.

The second problem is something that can and should be easily fixed — the U.S. government and the Saudi government can do something about. It is the movement of people between our countries. The current U.S. government travel advisory inhibits many Americans from coming over to Saudi Arabia and we still have problems facing Saudi business people flying to America. They have to wait for five months for a visa and when they fly into the United States they have to go through secondary screening, It can be an additional two or three hours at the airport.

I am happy to say that during this visit we had the opportunity to talk with people in Congress, with government officials, with our embassy and with the U.S. Ambassador who, by chance, was here. People who are concerned about the bridges between our countries think this is a subject of extreme importance. Fortunately ambassadors are working very hard to resolve this issue. Everyone is sensitive to good security practices but if we can see sound measure to simplify the movement of people – especially students and business people – is key to the good health of the relationship and trade.

SUSRIS: What should business people – like the Business Roundtable people you talked to – know about Saudi Arabia that they wouldn’t know if they relied only on the travel advisory you mentioned?

Al Seif: On the subject of safety in the Kingdom I would tell them Saudi Arabia has done a lot on the subject of the war against terrorism — Saudi Arabia is winning that war against terrorism. From the start King Abdullah committed the country to eradicate this menace and the country has produced major accomplishments in the last several years. If you have been following news about developments you would have seen that a lot of cells were captured. Major actions have been taken against people who were financing terrorism — networks for financing were completely dismantled, disrupted, stopped. People were put in prison. Saudis are very proud of their achievements fighting terrorism.

I would add that besides the eradication of individuals and groups involved in terrorism is fighting the ideology. We are winning the ideological war against the terrorists as well. King Abdullah started the National Dialogue, a program that brings people together to discuss various issues. It has expanded in a way that strengthened the moderates. Now it’s the ‘In’ thing in Saudi Arabia to be a moderate.

This has even forced those on the far right to realize that it’s in their best interests to become moderates. So there is a big move toward moderation and to the middle and that middle is strengthening day by day. This momentum toward moderation has helped tremendously to develop committees with Imams and Sheikhs who come in and talk with some of the religious extremists – talking with them, debating with them, explaining to them what is the real meaning of Islam — how Islam is the religion of peace and of friendship?

King Abdullah has started another important debate. He’s now calling for dialogue among the three major religions – Judaism, Christianity and Islam. It is for peace. It is for bringing in religious scholars from all of these three religions to talk about peace and humanity in the interest of mankind. This is one more step that will reinforce this moderate, middle sector.

So, that’s some of what I would say to answer a question about the security situation in Saudi Arabia. The war on terrorism is being won. Saudi Arabia is as safe as any other country in the world, if not safer. You can see, especially over the last year or more, how peaceful things are. I can report to you from the ground that we are very confident about safety and security in the Kingdom. Further evidence is that the hotels in Riyadh are full with Westerners. Occupancy rates have reached nearly 100%. It’s too bad that these Westerners are mainly from Europe, not from the United States.

SUSRIS: How do Saudi Arabian business people view the slowdown in American business participation in the Kingdom’s current economic boom?

Al-Seif: You know the United States has been our primary trading partner. Based on the historic patterns in the relationships about half of the new business should be going to Americans. But the way it is going Americans will not get even 10% of that. That’s a shame.

We don’t want to see the dwindling of American participation. Our historic primary trading partner should continue to be the United States. I would like to just say to all American businesses they are more than welcome in Saudi Arabia and that the Saudi businesses would like to see them more involved and more engaged. If there are any hindrances we need to hear about it so we can help. We welcome their participation.

SUSRIS: What business and economic developments should we expect to see in Saudi Arabia?

Al Seif: There are many exciting prospects in the Kingdom but let’s look at just a few. There will be expansion of desalinization and power plants. There’s more work to be done in railways, to be done in mining. In all of these areas the United States has been a major player. America has all the technology needed and is very competitive, particularly now given the low dollar exchange. American industry should be as competitive as ever.

It is too bad American businesses don’t take better advantage of the situation and come to Saudi Arabia to engage the business community there. It is too bad they are handing it over to the consortiums that are bidding those projects. For example, on the railway, there’s not a single American company competing. This is just one of the lines, the East-West line, called the Landbridge. It is a $9 billion investment and there was not a single American company involved. We’re very happy to see GE coming in to work on the signaling and maybe they will enter into a deal on the locomotives. But there’s more than GE; there are more American companies that should be involved in these mega-projects. These opportunities should be taken up.

Then there is the second license for telecommunications. There was not a single American company engaged. For the third license there was a small amount of participation in a minor piece of it. We want to see more involvement from American businesses in many more areas, like with the airlines for example.

Mining is also a very important area for engagement. Saudi Arabia has some of the largest mining reserves in the Middle East region. The bottlenecks are open up for mining and we’re building a north-south railway, which will allow mining products to be transferred around Saudi Arabia. Already phosphates and bauxite are being mined heavily. There’s still much to be done on the mining front and it is ripe for American participation.

In the area of petrochemicals Saudi Arabia is a world leader and we’re still expanding our total capabilities. Partners will be important at all levels. There’s a shortage of contractors. Again, Europeans are filling the gap. American participation has not been up to par.

SUSRIS: With all of those opportunities in mind do you have final thoughts you would share with American business leaders?

Al Seif: You can see there are many areas where American businesses are missing opportunities that are open now but may not be there tomorrow. As I mentioned we encourage our business friends from the United States to visit Saudi Arabia and learn about the opportunities for themselves and see how the conditions are right for Americans to jump in to the Kingdom’s boom.

SUSRIS: Thank you

***

ABOUT KHALED AL SEIF

Khaled Musaed Al Seif is a businessman and a leading member of the business community in Saudi Arabia who manages one of the largest business groups in the Kingdom. He is active in various committees and councils dealing with the promotion of international trade and bridging relations with the West.

Mr. Al Seif currently serves as Chairman of the Saudi Committee for International Trade (CIT) at the Council of Saudi Chambers of Commerce and Industry. He has officiated as Co-Chairman of the Saudi-British Joint Business Council since 2007; Member of the Board of U.S.-Saudi Arabian Business Council since 2006, Member of the Advisory Board for Economic Affairs at the Saudi Supreme Economic Council since 2005, Board member of Royal Philanthropic Society for Science (Prince Sultan University) since 1999; Board Member of the Arab-British Chamber of Commerce, London, UK since February 1996; on the Board of Directors of Riyadh Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia (1993-2001 and 2004-2008); and President and CEO of El Seif Group of Companies, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia since 1975.

As the President and CEO of El Seif Group of Companies, Mr. Al Seif is the Chairman of the following Saudi and International companies: El Seif Commercial Investment Company Ltd; Musaed Al Seif & Sons Company; International Management Development Company; Dana Investment and Development Company; El Seif Engineering Contracting Company, and Marina Towers S.A.L.; and El Seif Holding Company in Lebanon. He is Also a Board Member of some other domestic and international companies which include but not limited to: Saudi Medicare Company; National Power Company; Modern Arab Construction Company: Arabian Medicare Company; Universal Advanced Systems Company; and El Seif Development Company.

Mr. Al Seif holds a B.S. in Civil Engineering from the American University in Beirut.

See:
A Man With A Mission: Khaled Al Seif Talks About US-Saudi Business Relations – SUSRIS Exclusive Interview – May 23, 2005