Sunday, Dec. 7, 2008 – CBS News’ 60 Minutes presents a report on Saudi Arabia called “The Oil Kingdom.”

THE OIL KINGDOM – Despite the pledge of President-elect Barack Obama and others to lessen America’s use of foreign oil, Saudi Arabia – the world’s largest oil supplier – isn’t worried. That’s what Saudi officials told Lesley Stahl when she visited the oil kingdom and toured its vast petroleum facilities, which are gearing up to produce even more. Richard Bonin and Kathy Liu are the producers. This is a double length segment.

Source: 60 Minutes/CBS News

Visa Complications Force Saudi Students to Hold US Weddings
Lulwa Shalhoub, Arab News

JEDDAH, 31 December 2007 — Omar Bafakeeh and Ala Aqeel, a Saudi couple, celebrated their marriage Saudi-style in Pittsburgh, US, on Dec. 21. They married in the States, not because they wanted to but because they had no other choice due to difficulties that Saudi students face acquiring US visas.

Difficulties in obtaining US visas — including rejection of visa applications and unnecessary delays — mean many Saudi students, once they arrive in the US, do not return to the Kingdom until their studies are completed. This means staying in the US during holidays, and missing weddings and funerals.

“Having my marriage here in America was frustrating for me, but conditions and circumstances have forced me to do this. Thank God my fianceé and her family understood my situation,” said Bafakeeh, whose wife, herself a student in the Kingdom, came to the US with her family for the marriage.

Bafakeeh’s marriage was attended by Muhammad Al-Eisa, Saudi cultural attaché in the US, and Muhammad Jameel Mulla, minister of communications and information technology.

Nazeeh Al-Othmany, a member of the Saudi Students Club in Pittsburgh, said that the wedding was a golden opportunity to educate people about Saudi culture, traditions and marriages.

“We also thought that this would be an opportunity to shed light on the effects of delayed visa procedures on Saudi students,” he said.

The wedding coincided with Eid Al-Adha, and faculty members of the University of Pittsburgh were given the opportunity to familiarize themselves with the way Muslims celebrate Eid.

An Islamic marriage ceremony was held at an Islamic center in the city and marriage certificates have been issued to the couple. The wedding had a distinct Saudi flavor, including Arabian coffee, dates, food and decor.

According to members of the Saudi Club, non-Saudi attendees asked questions about Saudi lifestyle and were surprised that Saudi women were able to arrange such occasions and that they do not wear hijab at home.

Meanwhile, 13 of Bafakeeh’s fellow students have been stuck in Saudi Arabia since the summer, waiting for their visas to be issued by the US Embassy in Riyadh.

Al-Othmany, a post graduate student at the University of Pittsburgh, said he had also experienced difficulties getting US visas.

“I couldn’t return to Saudi Arabia when my father passed away and when my younger brother got married,” he said.

He added that his wife was also unable to return to the Kingdom when her mother and brother passed away and when her nephew got engaged.

“All this because of the difficulties of the visa renewal process. For this reason, plenty of students around here have decided to stay and avoid returning to the Kingdom until their studies are completed,” he added.

Source: Arab News

Related Items:

An “Open Letter” from a Saudi Businessman – Revisited – A Conversation with Amr Khashoggi – SUSRIS Interview – Oct 24, 2007

Saudi Arabian Students in America – A Conversation With Thomas Lippman – SUSRIS Interview – Sep 30, 2007

Visas and Trade on the Mind of Visiting US Official – SUSRIS IOI – Mar 15, 2007

US Visas for Saudi Students – SUSRIS IOI – Nov 21, 2006

The Value of A Visa? Priceless – A Conversation with Mohammed H. Al-Qunaibet – SUSRIS Interview – Jul 12, 2006

Perspectives on US-Saudi Relations from Foggy Bottom: A Conversation with Assistant Secretary of State C. David Welch – SUSRIS Interview – Mar 30, 2006

More Saudi Students in U.S. – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 18, 2005

The Impact of U.S. Visa Policies: Implications for America’s Economy – An Initial Inquiry By National U.S.-Arab Chamber of Commerce – SUSRIS IOI – Sep 12, 2004

Editor’s Note:

Today we are pleased to share a thoughtful reflection on Arab-US relations presented by journalist Dr. Abderrahim Foukara at the 2007 Arab-US Policymakers Conference in Washington. Dr. Foukara, the Washington Bureau Chief for Al-Jazeerah International, departed from the typical conference fare of hard-edged facts and figures to invoke poetic imagery to illuminate an understanding of Arab and American perspectives. We hope you will enjoy his presentation as much as we did.

[You can also listen to the Dr. Foukara's presentation in the AUSPC 2007 Special Section that includes audio files from the conference.]

Dr. Abderrahim Foukara
Arab-US Policymakers Conference
Washington, DC
October 26, 2007

Ladies and gentlemen,

I would like to warmly thank the National Council on US-Arab Relations, and Dr. John Duke Anthony in particular, for having kindly extended the invitation to me to share with this wonderful gathering here today, my thoughts and feelings about the state of US-Arab relations.

Regrettably, I have to agree with those who say that it has become almost impossible to talk about those relations without feeling or expressing a sense of lament. I am sure some Arabs and Muslims resent America no matter what it does or does not do. I am equally sure that many Arabs and Muslims are disappointed or even angered by American foreign policy in the Middle East and think of most Americans as being unable to even place the Arab world on a map. But when all is said is done, I believe that given a choice, a large percentage of Arabs and Muslims would, at the drop of a hat, choose coming to America over going to many other parts of the world, despite everything we hear and read about anti-American sentiment in the region. Why? Because despite what is said about the failings of American foreign policy in the Middle East and despite all the bad press that Arabs and Muslims have sometimes got in this country since 9/11, the United States remains associated with a high-value commodity called: hope.

So what should Arabs living in America tell their fellow Arabs living elsewhere about their American life? I am sure some Americans simply hate Arabs and think they’re a an inherently violent species. But America, like the Arab world, is a place of great diversity of opinion and perspective. I am also confident that given half a chance to visit the Arab world and experience the warmth and generosity of its peoples and cultures, some of those Americans would be less eager to judge or misjudge. And that’s because America, like the Arab world, is a generous human and cultural mosaic which is at its best and most natural when it embraces everyone. As you know, when America veers off that track, the whole world cringes, and I mean that literally as well as figuratively.

If I had to find a simile that best describes relations between Arabs and Americans at the present time, I would say they’re rather like the forlorn children of parents who’ve been through a violent divorce but who continue to find solace and comfort in recalling the magic of the early days, the magic of an age of innocence when Americans populated their fantasies about the Arab world with glorious characters and scenes from the “Thousand and One Nights,” and when little Arab children populated their fantasies about America with the Ingells of “Little House on The Prairie,” which I watched a lot when I was growing up.

I was born in Morocco, a country whose culture is based on its unique geographical position between the Arab Middle East, black Africa and Mediterranean Europe. This geographical variety has, over thousands of years, translated into a mosaic of cultural and ethnic expressions which have in turn blended into that most generic and inclusive concept known as Arabness, a concept often ill-understood because it is ill-explained.

Contrary to widespread perception, being Arab is not necessarily a statement of race or ethnicity. Being Arab is much more complex than that and much more inclusive. Being Arab to millions of people who call themselves that, is a way of life, a way of being in the world in all its manifestations of joy and sorrow, shame and pride, pettiness and grandeur, intolerance and open-mindedness, reason and madness. Being Arab, rather like being American, implicitly and explicitly denotes a wide variety of attributes and contradictions. But when all is said and done, being Arab is nothing more and nothing less than a way mankind has invented to express his humanity with everything that’s sublime and fallible about it.

When contemporary Arabs look around their universe, they see a reality riddled with dilemma, a long night of poverty, tyranny, occupation and a sense of shame, the kind that springs from having lost the compass that once helped their ancestors navigate the seas and skies of human achievement. So acute are their shame and despair sometimes that they find untranslatable comfort in the words of Al-Nabigha Al-Dhubiyani, an ancient Arab poet, overwhelmed by the endless night of waiting for his beloved, Umayma:

[Arabic]

Kilini li hammin ya umaymata nasibin, wa laylin uqasihi bati’ilkawakibi, tatawala hatta qultu laysa bimunqadhin, wa laysa lladhi yar’annujuma bi’a’ibi

[English translation]

“O leave me, Omayma, to my exhausting sorrow
Leave me to suffer the long night of slow-moving planets,
It has dragged on for so long it feels without end,
So long, the stars’ shepherd, I feel, will never return.”

Nothing captures either the sorrow or the magnificence of the human soul better than literature. And should the Arabs, God forbid, leave this planet one day, they would be most remembered for their poetry, though there were also other stars that once lit and hugged the higher heights of Arab achievement in architecture, philosophy, mathematics, astronomy, medicine and various other sublime expressions of the human spirit.

That’s something which Americans would be better served to understand about Arabs. That is the best and most secure bridge to Arab hearts.

So what do Arabs need to fathom about America and Americans?

America and its culture may not have the historical depth of the Arab world. But that’s not necessarily a bad thing. Perhaps because of their young and short history, Americans are natural-born precursors who lead the way into the future. That’s where, it seems to me, their natural sensibility takes them. In many ways, the future of many nations is already the present in America. Many of those nations, including the Arabs, may take issue with American foreign policy in Iraq or Palestine or elsewhere. But when they look at America’s enterprising spirit, how it has put man on the moon and invented cures for diseases once thought incurable, they say, not in shock and awe, but in words of wonder and amazement, “Ah, that’s where I’d like to be in fifty or a hundred years, if I’m lucky.”

So let us look at the magic roundabout that is the past of the Arabs and the future of the the Americans. It is the kind of magic that can take us back to the future, to the the things that bind us together beyond the seas that separate us. In 1492, the Iberian peninsula’s last Muslim kingdom fell to the Catholic Kings of Castille. In 1492 also, America was discovered by Christopher Columbus, a voyage sponsored by the same kings, a voyage that dramatically changed the course of human history, a voyage made possible by the scientific legacy of a desert people who, with time, became seafaring nations: the Arabs. That’s how magical man’s roundabouts can be.

“What a piece of work is man!”, said Hamlet, “How noble in reason! how infinite in faculties! in form and moving, how express and admirable! in action how like an angel! in apprehension, how like a god! the beauty of the world! the paragon of animals!”

“And yet to me,” asked Hamlet, “what is this quintessence of dust.”

So let me for a while turn to the quintessential dust of Arab-American relations and what has driven those relations in recent years.

Six years after 9/11, I continue to puzzle over the extent to which Arabs, and perhaps non-Arabs too, living outside the United States have failed to fathom what the 9/11 attacks have done to America’s collective psyche. I have heard many Americans say that the attacks not only violated their sovereignty and sense of security but they also shook the very foundation upon which their Americanness was erected. The threat, they say, was existential. Whether Arabs can relate to that or not, it certainly deserves to be food for thought.

But I also continue to puzzle over the extent to which Americans have failed to grasp what the invasion of Iraq signified to millions of Arabs, particularly those who had never been directly exposed to the authority of the Iraqi state. Iraq in the Arab psyche has a resonance all its own. Its history may be punctuated with discord and blood. Its geography has been patched together or even fabricated by past empires. But Iraq, in the eyes of the Arabs, has always represented the jewel in the crown, the land that has for so long spurred the magnificent horse of Arab imagination, stimulated by such legends as Harun Al-Rasheed who, the fable goes, had golden birds chirping in his garden’s golden trees. Dig deep in the archeology of modern Arab psychology and popular memory and you will sooner or later hit that find: Iraq. Americans may or may not be willing or able to relate to that perception, but no attempt to understand the contemporary Arab psyche would be complete without listening to the ring of Iraq in that psyche.

But that was not the only thing that was lost in translation between Arabs and Americans. There were other things too. One of them is that human history is littered with evidence that militaries can’t always buy you love or victory, as Iraq has yet again shown us. Another thing lost in translation is that there’s no safety in numbers. Just look how hundreds of millions of Arabs and Muslims completely failed to prevent the invasion of Iraq or to offer the Iraqis a way out of their current quandary.

A third element that must be restored to the translation of US-Arab dialogue is that pithy and totally wonderful phrase thought to be the foundation of American democracy, that all men are born equal. I am delighted that a poet has yet again beaten me to the punch. This time, America’s very own Walt Whitman:

“Neither a servant nor a master am I, I take sooner a large price than a small price.. I will have my own whoever enjoys me, I will be even with you and you shall be even with me.”

If Al-Nabigha Al-Dhibiani and Walt Whitman were here with us today, I would have asked them to compose a poem to Arab-American relations. For while the current state of those relations is far from poetic, I don’t see armies of American poets marching to the Arab world to show the bright side of Americanness. Nor do I see armies of Arab poets marching to America to show the bright side of Arabness. But if this magnificent gathering here is a beginning, I’ll take it.

Thank you.

Dr. Abderrahim Foukara, Washington Bureau Chief, Al-Jazeerah International and former longtime BBC Correspondent

Related Items:

SUSRIS Special Section – Arab-US Policymakers Conference – AUSPC 2007 – October 25-26, 2007 – Washington, DC

AUDIO – Dr. Abderrahim Foukara – Washington Bureau Chief, Al-Jazeerah International – AUSPC 2007

Saudi Forces Foil Al-Qaeda Terror Plot
Samir Al-Saadi, Arab News

JEDDAH, 22 December 2007 — Saudi security forces have arrested an Al-Qaeda-linked group of people planning to carry out terrorist attacks during the annual pilgrimage, Al-Arabiya satellite channel reported yesterday. Informed sources told the channel that the arrests took place in different cities of the Kingdom.

“The group aimed to trouble the security of the pilgrimage,” which attracted nearly three million Muslim faithful from around the world this year, the television report said. Members of the group, whose number was unknown, were arrested “three days before the start of the Haj season”, or at the end of last week, the sources told the Dubai-based channel.

The new disclosure came after the Interior Ministry announced last month the arrest of 208 terror suspects, including 32 terror financiers. Maj. Gen. Mansour Al-Turki, spokesman for the Interior Ministry, said the arrests took place following pre-emptive operations carried out by security forces over the last few months.

“Security forces foiled an impending attack on a support oil facility in the Eastern Province,” the spokesman said, adding that an eight-member cell led by an expatriate man was behind the plan.

The arrested militants also included an 18-member cell, which had smuggled eight missiles into the Kingdom in order to launch terrorist operations. “There was a 22-member cell which formed a special team to assassinate Islamic scholars and security officers,” he said.

Source: Arab News

Related Items:

Terrorism Timeline – SUSRIS

Extremist Reeducation and Rehabilitation in Saudi Arabia – Christopher Boucek – SUSRIS IOI – Aug 17, 2007

Foiled Terror Plot Update – SUSRIS Special Report – May 16, 2007

Foiling Al Qaeda Plots Highlights Saudi Anti-Terror Campaign – SUSRIS IOI – Apr 30, 2007

Mass Arrests of Terrorists – US State Department Reaction – SUSRIS Special Report – Apr 27, 2007

Mass Arrests of Terrorist Suspects Foil Attacks – SUSRIS Special Report – Apr 27, 2007

“Evil in Action” – Arab News Editorial in response to terror attack – SUSRIS IOI – Mar 3, 2007

National Security in the Age of Terrorism – Chas W. Freeman, Jr. – SUSRIS IOI – Sep 28, 2007

Saudi Arabia and the Struggle Against Terrorism – Dr. Anthony Cordesman – Apr 11, 2005

The Global Scourge of Terrorism: Ambassador Prince Turki al Faisal Shares His Outlook – SUSRIS IOI – Nov 8, 2005

Reform and Terrorism in Saudi Arabia – Amr Khashoggi – SUSRIS IOI – Oct 18, 2004

Country Reports on Terrorism – U.S. State Department – SUSRIS IOI – May 4, 2007

Kingdom’s War on Terrorism – SUSRIS NID – Dec 28, 2005

Counter Terrorism International Conference Opens in Riyadh – SUSRIS NID – Feb 5, 2005

President Bush to Travel to Middle East to Follow Up on Progress Made at Annapolis
[White House Announcement]

President Bush will travel to Israel, the West Bank, Kuwait, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt from January 8-16, 2008.

In Jerusalem, the President will meet with President Peres and Prime Minister Olmert, and in the West Bank he will meet with President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad. The President will then travel to Kuwait, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt where he will meet with Amir Sabah, King Hamad, President Khalifa, King Abdallah, and President Mubarak, respectively.

This visit will follow up on the progress made at Annapolis in helping Israelis and Palestinians to advance their efforts toward peace and achievement of the President’s vision of two democratic states living side-by-side in peace and security, as well as encourage Israeli/Arab reconciliation. The trip will also be an opportunity to reaffirm the enduring commitment of the United States to the security of our allies in the Middle East, especially with the Gulf nations, and our close work with them to combat terrorism and extremism, promote freedom, and seek peace and prosperity in the region. The meetings with leaders will allow for discussions of developments in Iraq, the challenges presented by Iran, regional security, economic ties, and relations between the United States and these close allies.

Source: White House

President Bush to Travel to Middle East to Follow Up on Progress Made at Annapolis
[White House Announcement]

President Bush will travel to Israel, the West Bank, Kuwait, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt from January 8-16, 2008.

In Jerusalem, the President will meet with President Peres and Prime Minister Olmert, and in the West Bank he will meet with President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad. The President will then travel to Kuwait, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt where he will meet with Amir Sabah, King Hamad, President Khalifa, King Abdallah, and President Mubarak, respectively.

This visit will follow up on the progress made at Annapolis in helping Israelis and Palestinians to advance their efforts toward peace and achievement of the President’s vision of two democratic states living side-by-side in peace and security, as well as encourage Israeli/Arab reconciliation. The trip will also be an opportunity to reaffirm the enduring commitment of the United States to the security of our allies in the Middle East, especially with the Gulf nations, and our close work with them to combat terrorism and extremism, promote freedom, and seek peace and prosperity in the region. The meetings with leaders will allow for discussions of developments in Iraq, the challenges presented by Iran, regional security, economic ties, and relations between the United States and these close allies.

Source: White House

Related Items:

United States – Saudi Arabia Summits – SUSRIS Special Section

Middle East Peace Conference – Annapolis – SUSRIS Special Section – November 2007

Vice President Dick Cheney Travels to Middle East – Meets Saudi Leaders – SUSRIS Special Section – May 2007

Peace in the Middle East – The White House

Joint Statement by President Bush and Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah – White House – Apr 25, 2005

President Bush Meets with Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia – White House – Apr 25, 2002

Bush’s Jan. Mideast tour seeks to shore up peace bid – Reuters – Dec 18, 2007

White House Announces Bush Mideast Itinerary – VOA – Dec 18, 2007

Bush to Visit Mideast – AP – Dec 18, 2007

Abdullah Pardons ‘Qatif Girl’
Ebtihal Mubarak, Arab News

JEDDAH, 18 December 2007 — The pardon by Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah of the 20-year-old rape victim known as “Qatif Girl” yesterday was well received by her husband who wanted to say nothing on the case except to thank the king. Meanwhile, human rights activists also welcomed the news but are calling for specific measures to avert sentencing rape victims in the first place.

“On behalf of my wife and myself we would like to sincerely thank King Abdullah, the king of humanity, for his fatherly gesture,” said the husband whose name has not been published in the media. “That is not strange from King Abdullah who is known for his generosity to his citizens and the Islamic world.”

The husband said he received the good news yesterday morning through a phone call from one of his friends who spotted the news in the early morning. He said that his wife, whose name is also being withheld from publication because of the nature of the crime, is totally relieved now even though she is physically ill and scheduled to have surgery next week.

Human rights activist Fawziya Al-Oyoni, who is based in the Eastern Province, said that the king’s pardon brings some relief to women, but it doesn’t clear the rape victim from being blamed.

“The case should have been looked at again in another court that clears the girl of all charges,” said Oyoni. “A pardon means that she did something wrong and was kindly pardoned later.”

Yesterday, Justice Minister Abdullah Al-Asheikh defended the Higher Court’s decision to increase the punishment of the rape victim to 200 lashes and prison time after her lawyer disputed the Qatif General Court’s original sentence of 90 lashes.

King Abdullah used his authority, said Al-Asheikh, “to diminish people’s suffering when he is sure that such verdicts might leave psychological effects on those who received Shariah sentences, although he is convinced and trusts that the verdicts are just and fair.”

An informed source told Arab News that the Qatif Girl’s 36-year-old lawyer, Abdul Rahman Al-Lahem, would have his law license returned to him after the Eid Al-Adha holidays. Al-Lahem had his license revoked by the Qatif General Court after being accused of taking the case to the media to “confuse the judicial establishment’s image and thus harming the country.”

Riyadh-based lawyer Omar Al-Saab said that although people may consider the pardon a minor victory, it establishes a precedent that tells the courts they are under increased scrutiny. “This is a historic day,” said Saab. “The king’s pardon will send a strong message to judges that they are under surveillance. People are now aware of their rights, they know they have the right to appeal and pursue their rights. Judges will now put in mind that they might face another ‘Al-Lahem’ type of lawyer who will challenge them and not take ‘no’ for answer.”

Al-Lahem declined to comment on the case yesterday.

Human rights activist Oyoni said she is calling for clear legislation that differentiates between rape and adultery. While the royal pardon is good news for the girl from Qatif, Oyoni said it was not a practical solution. “There are many other similar cases that have not received such international exposure,” she said. “Not every case will receive the media attention and not every women will get a royal pardon afterward.”

Oyoni called for strict punishments for rapists. Under the Shariah, rape is a capital crime. In the case of the Qatif Girl, the seven men found guilty of gang rape were sentenced to between two and nine years in prison. Oyoni said strict sentences would send a message to women to come forward and report these crimes to authorities.

Najib Al-Khunaizi, a Saudi activist and columnist from the Eastern Province, said that the royal pardon had come as a relief to the girl, her husband and her family, but that he hoped this case would lead to concrete reform. “It is very crucial now more than ever to form a legal corpus that prevents differences and contradictions among similar cases that receive different verdicts from one judge to the other,” he said.

He said that Justice Minister Asheikh’s comment that called the verdict “just” could create misunderstanding from the international community’s point of view.

“(The minister) should have said that they would review the case against both the girl and her assaulters,” said Khunaizi. “Until now they have not said what would happen to the rapists who are the core of the problem.”

The case stems from an incident in 2006 when seven men abducted and gang-raped the Qatif Girl, who was 19 at the time. Three judges from the Qatif General Court sentenced the rape victim to 90 lashes for being in the car of an unrelated male at the time of the rape, committing “isolation” (khulwa). It is illegal in Saudi Arabia for women to mingle with unrelated men in the absence of their legal male guardian.

According to both her husband and her lawyer, the rape victim had met the male friend to receive a photo of her that he had from a relationship they had had when she was 16. She wanted the picture returned because she was about to be married. She contends that the man had threatened to distribute the pictures and shame her.

Source: Arab News

Related Items:

Rape Victim’s Lawyer Refuses to Give In – Ebtihal Mubarak, Arab News – SUSRIS IOI – Nov 11, 2007

A Slap in the Face of Justice – Lubna Hussain – SUSRIS IOI – Nov 21, 2007

Saudi King Pardons Rape Victim Sentenced to Be Lashed, Saudi Paper Reports – Dec 18, 2007

US welcomes Saudi rape victim pardon – AFP – Dec 17, 2007

Relief and Dismay in Saudi Rape-Victim Case – NY Times – Dec 17, 2007

Lashing Justice – Editorial – NY Times – Dec 3, 2007

Qatif Girl Pardoned – SaudiJeans Blog – Dec 17, 2007

Saudis back rape victim sentence – BBC – Nov 22, 2007

Saudi Rape Case Spurs Calls for Reform – NY Times – Dec 1, 200

Editor’s Note:

This is first in a series of articles and interviews arising from a visit by a World Affairs Councils of America (WACA) delegation to Saudi Arabia. The group, which included members from the national board and staff of the Washington, DC-based WACA as well as representatives from Alaska, California, Kansas, Michigan, Montana, New York, Tennessee, Virginia and the UK led by WACA President Barbara Propes, was hosted by the Committee for International Trade Development of the Saudi Chambers of Commerce and Industry. The WACA delegation visited Jeddah, Riyadh and the Eastern Province between November 30 and December 8, 2007.

Today we are pleased to share for your consideration an interview with Ambassador Mark Johnson, U.S. Foreign Service Retired, whose diplomatic service included posting as Deputy Chief of Mission to Kuwait. He served in that post in 1991 when the Government of Kuwait resided in exile in Taif, Saudi Arabia. He was the first U.S. diplomat to enter liberated Kuwait at the conclusion of Operation “Desert Storm.”

Ambassador Johnson was interviewed in Dammam, Saudi Arabia on December 6, 2007 by SUSRIS Editor Patrick Ryan who participated in the delegation visit. For more on the WACA Leadership Delegation visit check the SUSRIS Special Section.

US-Saudi Relations: Never More Important
A Conversation with Ambassador Mark Johnson

SUSRIS: Thank you for taking time to share your insights on US-Saudi relations and observations from your weeklong visit to the Kingdom. Let’s start with the overall health of ties between Americans and Saudi Arabians. President Bush’s meetings with King Abdullah, then Crown Prince, in Crawford in 2003 and 2005 did much to reinvigorate the government-to-government ties, as did the launch of a “Strategic Dialogue” between Washington and Riyadh. What’s your sense of where the relationship is at this point?

Amb Mark Johnson: My sense — coming back to the Kingdom after a long absence – is that never has the bilateral relationship with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia been more important. However, the paradox is that while it has never been more important there is, at least at the non-governmental level, a sense of disengagement. Now that’s not necessarily my judgment but it is the impression that we consistently received from our Saudi hosts from the very first meeting, “Where have you been?” We started off with a business group that hadn’t seen an American delegation for two years.

When I say the relationship has never been more important I have in mind four key elements and I’ll discuss them in the order I think makes more sense given the different groups of people we have been seeing in the Kingdom.

First of all, the trade, financial and commercial opportunities are enormous and we’re simply not participating in that game. This is a trader society as we were told in our meetings with international business people. Billions of dollars of opportunities and investments are out there and the United States is participating in only a fraction of that, really quite a minor share. The opportunities are one reason this is an important time in the relationship and at the same time one area where it falls short.

Secondly you have to deal with energy reliability — not necessarily total security or independence, that’s never going to happen. The basic math is not going to change in the U.S. energy consumption profile over the next 25 years. We are going to require 85% of our energy to come from hydrocarbons. Therefore the Kingdom is going to play an increasingly large role. It’s interesting to hear about their plans for expanding to 12 million barrels per day by 2009. That’s surely in their interest, but that is of great importance to western consumer economies. As long as the United States remains on a form of “oil dialysis” the Kingdom will be important, especially when there is only a 2 million barrels per day surplus capacity in the global energy market — down almost two thirds from years past. Again Saudi Arabia is the key player in maintaining this security margin.

Thirdly, you have to talk about the American-Saudi partnership in the war on terror, the fight against extremists. My sense is that this part of the relationship is headed in the right direction, especially after the 2003-2004 attacks within the Kingdom, and should probably be even more robust.

The fourth area I’ve become convinced about, especially after travel and meetings in the Kingdom, is Saudi Arabia’s growing diplomatic role in the region. Two years ago all eyes looked toward Egypt as the central Arab player. I’ve been to Egypt many times, and it’s clear to me that Egypt has somewhat receded from that arena.

On the other hand Saudi Arabia, in a way that I have not seen before, has stepped up to the plate. They have had a very active diplomacy with regard to challenges like Palestine – the troubles between Hamas and Fatah. They were sitting at the table in Annapolis with the Israeli Prime Minister. Lebanon — we know that they are working very actively behind the scenes.

So Saudi Arabia interestingly is becoming what Egypt was, that is, a player in the region that apparently talks to all parties. When I say talk, I don’t necessarily mean visibly or loudly, nor do I mean they are throwing their weight around. But I think on the basis of this trip I am more persuaded than ever that their role is really critical to the new dynamics in the region. That also means the perception of the threat from across the Gulf, namely Iran.

So my bottom line is that this is a relationship that is very important to us, and I am not sure, based on what we’ve heard from our friends here, that it is being given the serious attention, at least in the non-governmental level on the American side. I’m less able to speak to the governmental level.

SUSRIS: We’ll talk more about regional defense and security issues but you mentioned Iran. What is the perception of the threat from the Kingdom’s perspective?

Johnson: That was made clear to us, albeit in nuanced terms at the Foreign Ministry. When somebody says they “look with concern,” or “remained concerned,” or “are concerned about somebody,” that’s usually a pretty good signal that they are more than just concerned, they are worried.

SUSRIS: Can you expand on your comment about the lack of serious attention on the part of Americans, at least in the private sector?

Johnson: What we heard from our Saudi interlocutors is their perception that among Americans the Kingdom seems to be a difficult dangerous place to do business. They, the Americans, are not interested. There’s a bad image, a bad reputation. You can’t convince an American corporate boardroom to launch a major investment scheme in Saudi Arabia.

The Saudis say that we are losing opportunities to participate in the “big boom.” I think they’re right. The numbers seem to suggest that they are right, but I don’t think that’s a long-term situation. We have to get over a few things but I think it is basically a cyclical pattern right now.

You mentioned the Abdullah-Bush meetings at Crawford. It was no secret the relations were frosty a while ago and it is no secret the King has spoken out sharply against Iraq. The Chief of Staff of the Saudi armed forces told us our actions in Iraq were “ill advised.” But at the end of the day if Saudi Arabia becomes threatened in a major existential way the Saudis are not going to call NATO. They’re not going to call Japan. They’re not going to call Canada. They are going to call Washington. And Washington is going to respond, Washington is going to say, “What took you so long?”

So we have some bedrock elements to this relationship — that go back over 60 years — that have taken on a renewed importance in recent years. We need to reflect on that and act accordingly.

SUSRIS: At the Saudi Arabian Ministry of Defense and Aviation you heard from the Chief of the General Staff. What was your impression of the relationship in the military sphere?

Johnson: The military to military relationship at some levels and in some ways is on autopilot. It will endure given the volume of sales, the level of training, and the reliance on U.S. equipment for some of their major defense systems. We drove past an air defense installation which I was very interested to see adjacent to the oil fields. I’m assuming it was an American system which would be indicative of the continue reliance on US arms.

What struck me, however, in talking with the Chief of the General Staff, General Saleh bin Ali Al-Mohayya, was not the traditional relationships and issues. What he talked about was really the irritations that have developed. There was the issue of being billed by the Pentagon for service charges for arms sales from American contractors and not knowing the real value of the contracts.

He expressed more irritation than I thought the military leadership would about America’s political stance in the region vis-à-vis Israel — the double standard approach to nuclear weapons proliferation. It wasn’t the usual meeting. I’m used to Defense Ministry briefings being lavish PowerPoint presentations talking about the cooperation, the number of people being trained, all the good stuff.

I left feeling a little curious about his presentation. It made me wonder how solid the relationship really was, and the answer is “I don’t know” because it wasn’t much more than a snapshot. But for a newcomer walking in after a long absence — since Desert Storm days — I found that to be of some concern to me. I don’t know if it should be of great concern but I think it didn’t play out the way I thought it would play out.

SUSRIS: Was there anything else that your antennae picked at the Foreign Ministry?

Johnson: I think what my antennae picked up was, number one, they’re going to be even more active in areas like Palestine. The Saudis are looking to us not to be just quote an honest broker unquote — someone who sort of manages the sides. They want the United States to go in and do some heavy lifting, which means that they want the US to be a major player.

The Saudis would be willing to support that. I didn’t pick up the same echoes about the bilateral relationship at the Foreign Ministry as I did with the Defense Ministry visit. I think our hosts said the things that we expected. The formal strategic dialogue mechanism seems a bit languid, it probably needs to be energized right now, but the point was made that the Saudi Foreign Minister and the US Secretary of State were getting plenty of time working together outside the formal dialogue process.

As for the recent peace conference in Annapolis, the Bush Administration certainly made a major push to get the Saudis to the table — successfully, necessarily. It would not have been a disaster, but it would have been far short of even modest expectations if the Saudis did not go. The fact that you have the Saudis there as well as the Syrians and the other Arab League members — that’s not nothing, that’s important.

Bottom line at the Foreign Ministry — I thought it was a good overall presentation. As I mentioned, it reaffirmed my view that the Saudis have some major concerns vis a vis the Iranians. It reaffirmed my impression that Annapolis had as much to do with the new regional security architecture as it did about the Palestinian situation. So in that sense it was very helpful to hear it.

SUSRIS: You met many business people: Chambers of Commerce and Industry, the King Abdullah Economic City, the Committee on International Trade as well as government organizations dealing with business and economy. As a result of those many meetings and briefings what’s your take on all things business in the relationship.

Johnson: First of all you get what you always get. I recall going back to Egypt after an absence of 15 or so years. You walk into these meetings and you get the same consistent line that the U.S. is biased and unbalanced and heavily focused on Israel and then you get past that.

I think that’s part of the almost expected rhetoric that you get. I’m not saying that they don’t mean it, but it just seems to be an automatic response. Israel is like the licensed, safe grievance.

What we did hear was frequent references to major opportunities that are opening and there was lamenting that U.S. businesses, that American businesses aren’t responding as they think they should.

I think it’s worth saying here the constant, constant, constant criticism of the U.S. visa policy. This is becoming the ultimate self-inflicted wound. This is what is killing the relationship. Now every senior Saudi private sector official has a horror story of a brother in law or a cousin or another family member who quote unquote has been humiliated in a visa line or immigration check.

I must say having participated in three recent WACA [World Affairs Councils of America] leadership missions to this region — Kuwait, Egypt and now Saudi Arabia — there is much truth to that. There is a level of behavior that is really deeply offensive to our Arab friends. If they are really our friends, and they are, we ought to recognize that. We need to fix that. We need to figure out a way to correct it. We do need to get the younger generation of Saudis acquainted with the United States. In Montana, we have about 70 Saudis studying at our universities.

Back to the business side, I think these are sharp traders and merchants, I do think it is somewhat akin to the security relationship where, at the end of the day, faced with a major existential threat they are going to turn to the U.S. I do think faced with these major opportunities and a desire to get going with the implementation of them, there has to be an American role in them. I think it is important what we bring to the table in terms of technology, our ability to transfer technology. It is just as we saw at Aramco facilities, which you know was started in the desert and flourished. I think that counts a lot with the Saudis.

The Saudi business community has enduring partnerships and relationships in the United States that have gone back decades, or many years in most cases. I don’t think they are going to necessarily, in the long term, go elsewhere. However, we are sure making it easy for them at this point. We are sure giving them ample opportunity to go to Chinese sources, or Asian sources on many of these deals.

We heard from the Ministry of Water and Electricity, to mention just one ministry, that there was $50 billion of business opportunities. I fear that American business has yet to wake up to these opportunities. I wonder, in fact, how apparent it is in senior levels of American business just how aggressive and how rapid the Saudi expansion program is. I wasn’t aware of it when I came here. For example, the King Abdullah Economic City at Rabigh – a project of this magnitude, $27 billion, a new city the size of Washington D.C.

SUSRIS: The trade mission from Saudi Arabia to the United States two years ago was the largest business delegation the Kingdom ever sent. The presentations featured around $623 billion in market opportunities through the year 2020 but the turnout did not seem to match the dimensions of the mission or the prospects for doing business. What should we make of disconnects like that?

Johnson: Two years ago was that much closer to 9-11 and some of the imagery and some of the psychology and some of the scare rhetoric that seemed to exist. I can’t imagine that the breadth and depth of this relationship, the business connections, can’t be resurrected. I hope it will be in the very near future, and I say this as someone who really worked hard on commercial and trade and investment opportunities in the course of my career. But for now it’s the most troubling aspect for me.

SUSRIS: The Saudi Arabians you met on the WACA delegation know America. Many are American trained. They want to send their children to the United States for an American education. They want to work with American business people. Is that the impression you received?

Johnson: Absolutely, I didn’t see anything but that. They’re all proud of their relationships and friendships. They all are familiar with the technology. Minister after minister, executive director after executive director told us about going to the University of Kansas, going the University of Southern California.

Their relationship with America and Americans — it’s something that is a very powerful force. I think it’s more sorrow rather than anger in some ways that has produced this situation. I think they are confused about what they are hearing from Washington, and they are confused by what they are not hearing from the American business community. I was checking my notes earlier in the day and there was a very good quote about American business: ”Where have you gone?”

I think that can be corrected and I hope out of this mission we can produce better people to people contacts, and possibly even some business arrangements from some of our members.

SUSRIS: Can you comment on the hot button issues in the news like the case of the so-called “Qatif girl” – the women sentenced by a Saudi court after she was gang raped? What’s your perception on how that is playing out in the Kingdom and its effect on the relationship?

Johnson: There’s really a broader question there and it is one I can’t answer because there is another segment of the society that we did not see, had no contact with and, at least for me, I am less well aware of it. It is the traditional conservative religious elements of the Kingdom. They are said to be powerful and I believe that to be true. We’ve been told that the King has to keep a kind of synchronized distance just far enough ahead of the people — not too far ahead certainly not behind.

So I can’t really address that element, that aspect of society. When you ask me to talk about the rape case, I think the American response has actually been beneficial. I think the Saudis might deny that, but President Bush’s comments along the lines of “What if it was my daughter?” puts it in a value system that the Saudis respect — the family.

We have common values on family and justice and I think those Saudis that want to think through this realize that that’s where we are coming from. Now there are those Americans that are using this to say the Saudis are a bunch of heathens and not worthy of any sort of dealings and after all didn’t they support terrorism, fifteen of the hijackers, and so forth. You really can’t deal with that in any kind of a rational way.

Frankly, I don’t think it is unhelpful to have that kind of reaction the President gave. I think that can ultimately be beneficial even though countries like Saudi Arabia and Egypt with their human rights problems would ever admit it. Nevertheless it gives the reformers some hope that we are paying attention and this is of concern. That said, there remains this group in Saudi society and outside observers who are a whole lot smarter than I, and who have called it the “Impenetrable Kingdom.” You know, I am beginning to realize why they say that.

SUSRIS: Your itinerary included meetings with businesswomen and visits to women’s colleges. What did you learn about the progress women are making in the Kingdom? Did what you saw reinforce or challenge conventional wisdom of women in Saudi Arabia?

Johnson: This was probably one of the most important aspects of the trip that gave us a first hand look into what is really happening. I have to say, I came away impressed.

For instance we walked into a board meeting that was dominated by women — women sitting at a table, there was no difference. They were full participants. They were outspoken and they made good points about dealing with the United States, dealing with business and so forth.

We went to two private education institutions in Jeddah focusing on women. At our first visit – it was Effat College — the young women were working on computer motherboards, they were working in biology labs, they had engineering formulas on the blackboards. I think they are showing that “A,” being Muslim doesn’t mean you can’t embrace science, and “B,” women can embrace science.

From my own experiences around the Muslim world in Africa and the Middle East I think this is tapping into a very powerful force — not in the sense of creating equal political opportunities, and it won’t be, but this is Saudi Arabia.

The bottom line here was that I was quite taken by what is happening. We saw it in a couple of major institutions, certainly in Saudi Aramco, which may be atypical, but it seemed to me that women played a completely normal role.

At the General Investment Authority, SAGIA, one of the premier Saudi institutions, we were told that about 20% of the workforce are women. The Governor of SAGIA, Amr Dabbagh, said he hoped to get up to 50% in the near future. He realizes that he needs that talent in his organization.

I think that’s becoming more and more the conventional thinking along that line, the modernized elite segment of Saudi society. So I don’t want to repeat myself, but again that was probably for me the most impressive part of this visit — to see that reality.

SUSRIS: The WACA leadership delegation had ten members, seven were first time visitors to the Kingdom. What was the general response of the group to what they saw?

Johnson: First and foremost every member had a chance to experience what those of us who have been in the Arab world have always seen and I don’t think we ever take it for granted. That is the fabulous hospitality, the warmth and generosity of our Saudi hosts. I always tell American audiences that the hospitality in places like Egypt and Saudi Arabia — it’s not generous, it’s not lavish, it’s really overwhelming. I hope that all members of our group felt the same way, and that would be from both the men and the women of the delegation.

For a first time visitor you would have to come away impressed with the capability of the people we met. One member of our group mentioned that they were surprised at the excellent level of English. That may sound rather condescending, but if you have been around in other Arab countries – well, I was impressed.

The people we met were very sharp people. They are world-class business leaders. They really are on top of the technology issues, second to none. They know what’s going on.

So I think on balance every member came away with many more checkmarks on the positive side than on the negative side. It would probably have been impossible to have a discussion on religious issues or political issues. Our visit didn’t lend itself to that, so you have to reserve judgment on those topics. What we saw, though, will lead people to come away favorably impressed. More importantly they will come away with an eagerness to tell what they have seen to the WACA member councils around the United States.

SUSRIS: Any last thoughts on your week in Saudi Arabia?

Johnson: I am glad I came. I had not been in the Kingdom for a long time, since I was in Taif with the Kuwaiti Government during Desert Storm. It’s very interesting to compare and contrast our experiences in Saudi Arabia with other countries in the region.

What I saw this week validated for me a perception that I have been developing going back to the spring of this year. It is that Saudi Arabia, for whatever reasons, I can’t speculate, but for whatever reasons Saudi Arabia is entering the world arena, or the regional arena, as a big time player.

It may not come across as a fair statement. The Saudis would probably argue that they have always been a “player.” However, as a visible, articulate player in a way that commands attention and gives them something they may have felt they have lacked at times — respect from Washington. Perhaps to put it in a slightly different light, being taken for granted.

We have gone through the Palestinian-Israeli crisis all these many years, and few roads led to Riyadh. Secretary of State after Secretary of State flew over the Kingdom on route to Cairo or Damascus. And while they did not say it on this mission — we were not told it directly — but I think there has been some resentment about that. So the main lesson for me is it validates what I thought was a really much more robust, energetic, vigorous Saudi diplomacy.

SUSRIS: Thank you for sharing your perspectives on US-Saudi relations and your experiences traveling in the Kingdom.

Johnson: It was my pleasure.

About Ambassador Mark Johnson

Executive Director, Montana World Affairs Council. Missoula, Montana

Amb. Mark Johnson was a career foreign service officer, serving as Ambassador to Senegal, as Deputy Inspector General of the State Department, Deputy Chief of Mission in Kuwait in 1991, and as Deputy Chief of Mission in Cairo, Egypt. Amb. Johnson served in Kenya, Burkina Faso, and the Office of Iranian Affairs during the hostage crisis. Currently he is the Mansfield Adjunct Professor at the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Center at the University of Montana.

About the World Affairs Councils of America

The mission of the World Affairs Councils of America is to: empower citizens to participate in the national debate on world affairs; build citizen support for American engagement in the world; stimulate communities to interact effectively in the global economy; help people relate their local concerns to global issues; improve international education locally, nationally, and internationally; foster international interests in America’s young people; build alliances with counterpart organizations locally, nationally, and internationally; and increase council professionalism by disseminating best practices

Related Info:

SUSRIS Special Section – WACA Leadership Mission to Saudi Arabia

World Affairs Councils of America

World Affairs Council of Montana

Editor’s Note:

Hundreds of thousands of Muslims flooded the ports of entry in western Saudi Arabia this week to start the pilgrimage to Makkah. On Friday about one million people crowded the Grand Mosque for Friday prayers before Monday’s start of the pilgrimage and King Abdullah arrived in Jeddah to oversee the Hajj. This year “Standing Day” will be observed on Tuesday, December 18, 2007. The four-day Eid al Adha will start on Wednesday, December 19, 2007.

On the occasion of the Hajj, which begins tomorrow, we are pleased to present several items explaining the pilgrimage, one of the five pillars of the Muslim faith. First, this report by Carolee Walker of the USINFO Staff highlights a new trend among American Muslims of attending the Hajj earlier in their lives than the typical pilgrims. Second, we will provide for your consideration an essay by Dr. David Long discussing the importance of the Hajj on Saudi Arabia and others in the Muslim World. Last, we will provide a SUSRIS exclusive interview with Dr. Long discussing the pilgrimage. Dr. Long’s essay and interview previously appeared in SUSRIS.

You can find these reports and more articles, links and resources at a SUSRIS Special Section on Hajj 2007.

American Muslims Travel to Mecca for Annual Pilgrimage
More young professionals choose to perform the Hajj

By Carolee Walker
USINFO Staff Writer

Washington — Young American Muslims, many professionals in their 20s, are traveling to the Middle East to perform the Hajj, according to travel industry experts in the United States.

This is a new trend, said Rita Zawaideh, a tour operator based in Seattle who specializes in educational travel to Jordan and other parts of the Middle East. Although Zawaideh handles airline reservations for her clients performing the Hajj, she refers land packages to Muslim tour operators in the United States. “You need to be Muslim to understand the many aspects of booking this kind of trip,” Zawaideh said.

The Hajj, one of the Five Pillars of Islam, is the annual pilgrimage to Mecca, in Saudi Arabia, which all able Muslims are expected to perform at least once in their lifetime. Because the journey is expensive and the logistics can be complicated, traditionally many Muslims wait until they are married and their children are grown to perform the ritual.

For American Muslims, however, it makes sense to make the journey when they are still young because they have the economic means and flexibility that may be more difficult to muster as they become married and need to balance their professional and family lives, said American documentary filmmaker Anisa Mehdi.

Mehdi is an Emmy Award-winning journalist whose National Geographic film Inside Mecca follows three Muslims from very different backgrounds as they embark on the five-day quest for salvation.

All Muslims have to factor the Hajj into their long-term plans because the trip may cost several thousand dollars, Mehdi said. Depending on a person’s economic situation, people may need to save money up to 10 years before they are able to afford the trip, she said.

“The Hajj is an arduous undertaking that requires physical strength, endurance and stamina,” Mehdi said. “Traditionally, older people do it because there is great motivation to complete the transcendental journey, but it is easier for people in good health and strong.”

Logistical reasons require countries to impose quotas on visas during the Hajj, so people also need to be flexible in their plans.

Nearly 1.4 million pilgrims already have arrived in Saudi Arabia to perform the Hajj, which this year begins on or around December 18, depending on moon sightings, and lasts for five days, according to the Embassy of Saudi Arabia in Washington. In 2006, more than 15,000 Americans were among the 2.5 million people making the annual pilgrimage, according to the embassy.

American mosques offer instructions for the Hajj, using PowerPoint presentations to explain the ritual steps of the pilgrimage and the requirements for making a successful Hajj.

Today, people usually spend between two weeks and three weeks making the journey, Mehdi said. “Back in the days when people didn’t fly on airplanes, they would spend the better part of a year walking to Mecca or taking a boat or riding in a caravan.”

The culmination of the Hajj, which occurs on the eighth to the 12th day of Dhu’l-Hijjah, the last month of the Islamic calendar, takes place outside the city of Mecca. Mehdi said Muslims visit Mecca throughout the year, but the only time that Hajj takes place is during the last month of the year.

As elsewhere in the world, American Muslims not going on Hajj often mark the days leading up to the pilgrimage with acts of generosity. In the state of Maryland, for example, the Montgomery County Muslim Council distributes food baskets to needy families and toys to children before Christmas. The council also coordinates with the county to donate hundreds of kilograms of meat to the needy in December.

(USINFO is produced by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov )

Source: USINFO

Editor’s Note:

The annual Hajj, the annual pilgrimage of Muslims performing one of the basic duties of their faith – a joyous profession of their faith, will begin tomorrow, December 17, 2007, in Saudi Arabia. Today we are pleased to mark the eve of Hajj with an interview with Dr. David E. Long. For more on the Hajj we suggest you read Dr. Long’s essay “The Hajj and Its Impact on Saudi Arabia and the Muslim World,” which is also being reprinted today (links below).

A career foreign service officer before retiring to become a consultant on Middle East affairs, he is author of numerous books on the Middle East and his “Kingdom of Saudi Arabia” is among the definitive texts on the subject.

Dr. Long was interviewed by telephone from his home in Northern Virginia on January 14, 2005. This SUSRIS exclusive interview originally appeared in SUSRIS on January 23, 2005.

You can find these reports and more articles, links and resources at a SUSRIS Special Section on Hajj 2007. Click here for more.

SUSRIS: Thank you, Dr. Long for taking time today to talk with us about the Hajj. What is the Hajj and why do people do it?

Dr. Long: The Hajj is one of the five pillars or the foundation of Islam and therefore it is the obligation of everyone who is physically and financially able to do so to make the Hajj once in their lifetimes. Pilgrimages to Makkah actually predate Islam, but the Hajj is considered by all Muslims to be divinely inspired by God as set down in the Qur’an and the Sunna. It is one of the Five Pillars of Islam, the others being: the profession of faith – “there is no God but God and Mohammed is the messenger of God”; Zakat or charity; prayer five times a day, and fasting during Ramadan. The rites are based on the instructions Muhammad gave in his Farewell Hajj just before he died. They have remained virtually unchanged to this day

SUSRIS: What role has Saudi Arabia played in hosting the pilgrims?

Dr. Long: That is a fascinating question. There was great fear when the Saudis took Makkah and annexed the Hijaz that they would do things that were not in line with the established practices. The fear first arose when the puritanical Islamic revival movement of Muhammed Ibn Abu Wahhab spread from Najd throughout Arabia, beginning in the 18th century.

Ibn Abu Wahhab preached that all sorts of innovations had been introduced into Islam since the time of Mohammed; his reform movement was basically a movement to get back to the original Islam. The centerpiece of his reform movement was Tawhid, or monotheism. The religious establishment who ran the Hajj feared that if the people followed the reform movement, it would cost them both economically and influence they held with the people. For example, one of the things that the movement called for was banning the practice of seeking intercession with God through Muslim saints by making pilgrimages to their tombs – very lucrative for those who controlled the tombs. Mohammed Ibn Abu Wahhab considered intercession heretical as it denigrated the sovereignty and omnipotence of God.

But when the Al Sauds annexed the Hijaz and took over the administration of the Hajj in 1925-1926, it soon became apparent that the fears were unfounded. From that time to this, the Saudi regime has gone all out to make sure it was available to all those who were able to attend. As a token of this responsibility, King Fahd assumed the title Khatim al-Haramain (Custodian of the Two Holy Places, i.e. Makkah and al-Madinah).

The job has not always been easy. Not only are the administrative tasks of providing services to over two million pilgrims enormous, but there have been all sorts or political divisions and problems that posed dilemmas for the Saudis.

For example, during the period of Nasserism and secular Arab nationalism there were many people who wanted to use the Hajj as a platform for political protest and the Saudis absolutely forbade that. They said it was not a time for politics; the Hajj was purely religious and they wanted to keep it that way. They would not allow protest over secular political issues — even if they agreed with them — that they did not feel were legitimately in the context of religious celebration.

After the 1979 revolution, Iranian provocateurs stirred up trouble at the Hajj. It was partly religious but it was mostly political. It was an attempt to undermine the Islamic world’s acceptance of Saudi custodianship, to undermine their reputation for running Hajj. But it backfired; it did not work, in fact, just the opposite. On the whole, I think that the record of the Saudis has been fairly good in terms of their striving to help people meet the obligation to come to the Hajj without being subjected to political protest.

Now that’s on the political side. The administrative problems the Saudis have had to encounter have in many ways been even more daunting. In the beginning, the Saudi Government was far less advanced than the former Hijazi government and not capable of administering such a huge task. What they came up with, I think, was pretty ingenious: a public utility concept — my term not theirs – similar to public utilities in the United States. The Hajj is administered primarily by the private sector but it is closely regulated by the government, which even collects the fees from the Hajjis and remits it to the private Hajj service sector to insure that the pilgrims are being fairly treated. Had the government tried to nationalize Hajj administration, there would likely have been chaos. But instead, they allowed private guilds (somewhat like guilds in medieval Europe) that had been guiding pilgrims for centuries, to continue to administer the Hajj but under strict supervision.

The principal guild consists of mutawwiffin (sing. mutawwif). They are sort of like family-run religious tour guide companies, if you will. Collectively, the mutawwiffin are responsible for pilgrims from every country in the world. For example, there is a mutawwif responsible for all the pilgrims coming from the United States. Closely associated with the mutawwifin are the Wukala’ (sing Wakil), or Agents. Located in the port city of Jiddah, they are responsible for meeting pilgrims arriving by air or sea, seeing them safely off to Makkah and seeing them off on the return trip home. (With the creation of an all-weather road system, an increasing number once again travel overland by car or bus.)

There is another guild in Makkah, the Zamazimah (sing. Zamzami). Historically, their task was to provide pilgrims with the holy water of Zamzam, a well inside the Haram Mosque. That has become a major undertaking with the great increase in numbers. Can you imagine when you have two million people who want to drink Zamzam water that’s a pretty big task? They do that, but their skill has expanded and that is why they are called Zamazimah. In fact they bottle Zamzam water — the real Zamzam water — send it all over the world. It is a non-profit foundation to raise money for worthy causes.

Finally, to meet, guide and see off the Hajjis that visit al-Madinah, the guild of Adilla (sing. Dalil) are located in al-Madinah where they meet, guide and see off the Hajjis that visit that city.

Compare the Hajj to a city of two million people. Over two million people attend the Hajj each year. Think about it – providing transportation, sanitation, health care, food, and drink. What happens if somebody gets lost and speaks an uncommon language? There are some pilgrims in their 60s and 70s who have saved up for a lifetime to make the Hajj. The chances of a medical emergency among this group are high, particularly in the summer months when the temperature can reach 135 degrees Fahrenheit, and they are usually outside or living in a tent. Throughout the area, the government has installed high overhead sprinklers to lower the chances of heat stroke. These are not conditions on the magnitude of the South Asia tsunami, but they must be dealt with on a yearly basis. It is truly a mind-boggling task.

SUSRIS: Your analogy of a population, an overnight collection, of two million people, equivalent to a US metropolitan region is interesting. Can you give us a sense of the magnitude of the event?

Dr. Long: I think that puts it in the right perspective. When you have that many people, there are bound to be glitches here and there. What is amazing is that there aren’t more. For example, let’s talk about transportation. Let me walk you through the Hajj.

When pilgrims near Makkah, whether by air, land or sea, they must enter a ritual state of purification called Ihram. It includes wearing Hajj garments — women do not wear veils – and refraining from cutting hair or nails, or having sex. Those in Ihram are easily recognizable by the garments they wear – two seamless pieces of white terry cloth for men and a long white robe for women. Women do not wear veils.

Upon reaching Makkah, one goes to the great Haram Mosque. The first rite is the Tawaf, the seven-fold circumambulation of the Kaaba, the dark stone cubic building in the center of the main mosque area. One then takes a drink of holy Zamzam water and then makes seven one way trips between Safa and Marwah, which are two little hills that are now incorporated into the mosque complex. That commemorates when Hagar was frantically looking for water for her infant son, Isma’il. In response, according to Islamic tradition, God struck open a rock and out came the water of Zamzam.

The logistics of moving the pilgrims through these rites are not particularly difficult. They are done ad seriatim as people arrive, not all at the same time. Afterwards, all the pilgrims travel east of Makkah to the Plain of Arafat. The choicest place to be is a small hill called the Mount of Mercy, but as all two million arrive, a tent city to accommodate them, replete with shops, first aid stations, fire stations, sanitations facilities, communications and transportation, stretches for miles across the plain.

It is at the Plain of Arafat that the Hajj culminates at sunset on Standing Day, the ninth day of the Muslim lunar month of Thul-Hijjah (which occurs eleven days earlier each year on the solar calendar – this year on January 20). Everyone – all two million plus– must say prayers at Arafat at sunset on that day else the Hajj is forfeited.

Following prayers, everyone must travel back toward Makkah to another location, Mina for the beginning of the Eid al-Adha (The Great Feast of the Sacrifice), which is celebrated throughout the Muslim world. The trek is called the Rush (Nafrah), but it takes about 12 hours to get everyone there. Think about two million people leaving from the same place at the same time, and going to the same place. Think about the Super Bowl or a World Series game, and what kind of traffic jam that causes. Multiply that by twenty, but instead of going north, south, east and west think of them all going in the same direction and out of piety many of them want to walk. We’re talking about the biggest traffic jam ever.

So transportation, the problems they have to address are mind-boggling. They have everything from taxicabs to big buses that come down from Turkey and Central Asia with the Hajis living in them. Think of all the fender benders and that’s just one thing.

SUSRIS: And they are from all corners of the globe?

Dr. Long: Yes, from all corners of the globe. And speaking over 100 languages or dialects and a large number of them up in years. But the gargantuan logistical task does not end there. During the Eid al Adha each family is supposed to sacrifice an animal. Of course many insist on a sheep, nothing smaller. For years, hundreds of thousands of sheep were slaughtered, and after families took what they could use, the rest was simply buried because of the lack of processing facilities for sheep sacrificed one day of the year. But the goal of the Eid is to give up something valuable, not blood sacrifice, and so now it is possible to purchase a sheep, have it slaughtered in the correct way and have the meat distributed worldwide to the needy. It is both practical and a suitable act of piety.

These are just some of the logistical problems that confront the Saudis. It is a Herculean job. One of the things that makes it all work is the attitude of the people. The Hajj is an incredibly and deeply joyous time — not the sort of the manufactured happiness of New Year’s Eve West where everyone goes out and tries to pretend they are having a great time. People from all over the Muslim world who attend are overflowing with good will.

One can feel it feel it even watching on Saudi television where it is broadcast. Watching the broadcast, one can hear a spontaneous chanting of the Talbiyyah, a ritual prayer repeated throughout the Hajj. First will come one or two voices, then a dozen, and then thousands are chanting it. Even for those not physically present, it is hard not to have chills run up and down your back

SUSRIS: How does the role of Saudi Arabia as the custodian of the two holy places and the role as host for the pilgrimage effect the thinking of the people and government of Saudi Arabia?

Dr. Long: The attitude toward the Hajj in Saudi Arabia may be somewhat analogous to being a Catholic living in Rome. You might take it for granted, but at the same time it permeates your whole life. Proximity to the Muslim holy places can indeed be taken for granted by Saudis, particularly those who live in Makkah and al-Madinah and nearby towns and cities. But on the other hand, Islam in all its dimensions is just a part of one’s daily life in a way that is difficult to duplicate in many other places throughout the Muslim world.

One of the issues now facing Saudis and others from the Gulf is that physically there are only so many people who can do this each year and they are about to max out. They have spent literally millions of dollars expanding the capacity of the holy cities and the holy mosques to accommodate these people. You remember when I said the two little hills that were incorporated into the complex — Safa and Marwah. You’ve seen pictures of the Prophet’s Mosque in Al-Madinah. These are huge places, and they can accommodate over a million people at the same time — that is just mind-boggling.

But still, the government has had to say to people who live in Saudi Arabia and neighboring states that they cannot go to the Hajj more than once every five years. Because there are so many people living in Saudi Arabia, there are three million people living in nearby Jeddah — what if they all showed up? It is a difficult dilemma for the government to limit local attendance at the holy places during the Hajj, but it must be done to make room for those attending for the first and perhaps last time in their lives.

SUSRIS: A news report said this year’s visa quota for the Hajj was 1.2 million.

Dr. Long: Yes they do limit visas. They have to. The people in the Arabian Peninsula don’t need a Hajj visa.

They have to do this in order to accommodate people because it is a religious obligation and they take it very seriously. Again that is another logistic problem they have to address. Security is the same way. As people found out back during the Arab nationalist era and as the Iranians discovered after the Islamic revolution, there is a backlash against people who try to use the Hajj for political purposes. This is a very holy celebration and anybody who tries to stir up trouble is subject to a backlash, a feeling against them.

SUSRIS: Does Saudi Arabia exercise any special place in the Islamic world since it is the home of the holy sites?

Dr. Long: I think that it would be precise to say that Saudi Arabia feels a special responsibility to the rest of the Muslim world as the birthplace of Islam and the location of its two holiest places. They do place great importance on their relations with other Muslim states, and to increase good relations throughout the Muslim world they created the OIC [Organization of the Islamic Conference]. It is probably fair to say that they do exercise a special place in the Islamic world, but it is not an ‘imperial’ thing. They feel that as the keepers of the holy places and the birthplace of Islam they have to be concerned about the hearts and minds of Muslims. But that doesn’t translate into Saudi hegemony over anything because it wouldn’t be Saudi hegemony, it would be God’s hegemony over the world in an Islamic context.

SUSRIS: How does the Hajj fit into the changing security posture in the Kingdom – given the Al Qaeda attacks of recent years?

Dr. Long: People should always be mindful of the security situation anywhere they go. But there are two other considerations here: one, any terrorist group that seeks legitimacy from some Muslim constituency would be foolish indeed to commit an act of violence at such a holy celebration. Those who have tried in past years have found it overwhelmingly counterproductive. One must assume that they seek to recruit followers and it is not going to win hearts and influence people to kill your own people during the holiest gathering of the year.

SUSRIS: Is there potential for some activity to embarrass the Saudis as the hosts.

Dr. Long: There is always that potential but as the Iranians found out the odds that it would be totally counterproductive and backfiring are huge. The terrorists in Saudi Arabia have found out that the people turned against them when they started killing Muslims. One of the reasons they went for the Interior Ministry last month was to isolate them in the minds of people as the enemy rather than as Muslims.

Al-Qaeda is expounding a cause, but no matter how fanatical they might be, they cannot succeed by alienating the very people you are supposedly trying to protect from the outside enemy. There may be some organization with a kind of Jim Jones mentality that does something really irrational, but Al-Qaeda does not appear to me to be that irrational. They may be zealots but they think rationally. You can’t rule it out but I would find it incredible that they would be so stupid.

SUSRIS: So the security challenges are just the physical accommodation of over two million people.

Dr. Long: Nothing of the magnitude of the Hajj is that simple, and of course, the Saudis are going to have to worry about political security. But Hajj administration is such a gigantic undertaking that they will have plenty of other, more mundane forms of security to worry about.

SUSRIS: What is it about the Hajj that people should understand? How should people put it in the context of world events?

Dr. Long: There are many ways you can do that. The first that comes to mind is that the Hajj creates an opportunity for non Muslims and people who don’t know much about Islam — particularly those people who have a totally negative view of Muslims as terrorists and the other images that are prominently displayed in the media — that this is a gathering of 2 million faithful people in a joyous time in the 21st century. With all the strife and all the suffering going on in the world it is just absolutely amazing.

It shows as much as anything can, the collective heart of the largest religious group in the world — 1.2 billion people, more of them than anyone else. That in itself is not the lesson, the lesson is to get along in this world with anybody you need a sense of perspective. This is a great way of gaining perspective by looking at how so many people do an act of piety and religious obligation in an atmosphere of joy every year regardless of what’s going on in Iraq, or anywhere, and I think that would be a lesson to contemplate.

SUSRIS: That’s a great observation. Thank you, Dr. Long for sharing your insight on the Hajj with us today.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

David E. Long is a consultant on Middle East and Gulf affairs and international terrorism. He joined the U.S. Foreign Service in 1962 and served in Washington and abroad until 1993, with assignments in the Sudan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan. His Washington assignments included Deputy Director of the State Department’s Office of Counter Terrorism for Regional Policy, a member of the Secretary of State’s Policy Planning Staff, and Chief of the Near East Research Division in the Bureau of Intelligence and Research Bureau. He was also detailed to the Institute for National Strategic Studies of the National Defense University in Washington, 1991-92, and to the United States Coast Guard Academy, 1989-91, where he served as Visiting Professor of International Relations and in 1990-91 as Acting Head of the Humanities Department.

A native of Florida, he received an AB in history from Davidson College, an MA in political science from the University of North Carolina, an MA in international relations from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and a Ph.D. in International Relations from the George Washington University.

In 1974 -1975, Dr. Long was an International Affairs Fellow of the Council on Foreign Relations and concurrently a Senior Fellow at the Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies. While on leave of absence from the State Department, he was the first Executive Director of the Georgetown University Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, 1974-1975. In 1982-1983, he was a Senior Fellow of the Middle East Research Institute and Adjunct Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania, and in 1987-1989, he was a Diplomat in Residence and Research Professor of International Affairs at Georgetown.

Dr. Long has been an adjunct professor at several Washington area universities, including Georgetown, George Washington and American Universities and the Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies. He has also lectured extensively in the United States and abroad on topics relating to the Islam, the Middle East and terrorism.

His publications include The Government and Politics of the Middle East and North Africa (co-editor with Bernard Reich, 4th ed. 2002), Gulf Security in the Twenty-First Century (co-editor with Christian Koch, 1998), The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (1997), The Anatomy of Terrorism (1990), The United States and Saudi Arabia: Ambivalent Allies (1985), Saudi Arabian Modernization (with John Shaw, 1982), The Hajj Today: A Survey of the Contemporary Makkah Pilgrimage (1979), Saudi Arabia (1976) and The Persian Gulf (1976, revised 1978).

Related Items:

SUSRIS Special Section – Hajj 2007

American Muslims Travel to Mecca for Annual Pilgrimage – SUSRIS Special Report – Dec 16, 2007

The Hajj and Its Impact on Saudi Arabia and the Muslim World = By David E. Long – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 16, 2007 (Reprint)

The Hajj in Perspective: A Conversation with David Long – SUSRIS Interview – Dec 16, 2007 (Reprint)

The Hajj – SUSRIS NID – January 4, 2006

The Hajj in Perspective: A Conversation with David Long – SUSRIS Interview – Jan 23, 2005

Pilgrims Bid Farewell to Makkah – SUSRIS IOI – Jan. 25, 2005

A Hajj Diary – By Faiza Saleh Ambah – SUSRIS IOI:

Part 1 – The Pilgrimage to Mecca: One Woman’s Journey

Part 2 – On Hajj, Battling Sin and Doubt

Part 3 – A Pilgrim Fends Off Temptation with Pebbles and Prayers

Part 4 – Pelting the Pillars, Again

Part 5 – The Reluctant Pilgrim’s Grudging Return Home

Virtual Hajj – PBS.org [from "Muhammad: Legacy of a Prophet]

In pictures: Hajj preparations

Diary of the Hajj – BBC

Hajj Information Center

Graphical Representation of the Hajj Journey

Editor’s Note:

Hundreds of thousands of Muslims flooded the ports of entry in western Saudi Arabia this week to start the pilgrimage to Makkah. On Friday about one million people crowded the Grand Mosque for Friday prayers before Monday’s start of the pilgrimage and King Abdullah arrived in Jeddah to oversee the Hajj. This year “Standing Day” will be observed on Tuesday, December 18, 2007. The four-day Eid al Adha will start on Wednesday, December 19, 2007.

On the occasion of the Hajj, which begins tomorrow, we are pleased to present several items explaining the pilgrimage, one of the five pillars of the Muslim faith. First, this report by Carolee Walker of the USINFO Staff highlights a new trend among American Muslims of attending the Hajj earlier in their lives than the typical pilgrims. Second, we will provide for your consideration an essay by Dr. David Long discussing the importance of the Hajj on Saudi Arabia and others in the Muslim World. Last, we will provide a SUSRIS exclusive interview with Dr. Long discussing the pilgrimage. Dr. Long’s essay and interview previously appeared in SUSRIS.

You can find these reports and more articles, links and resources at a SUSRIS Special Section on Hajj 2007. Click here for more.

American Muslims Travel to Mecca for Annual Pilgrimage
More young professionals choose to perform the Hajj

By Carolee Walker
USINFO Staff Writer

Washington — Young American Muslims, many professionals in their 20s, are traveling to the Middle East to perform the Hajj, according to travel industry experts in the United States.

This is a new trend, said Rita Zawaideh, a tour operator based in Seattle who specializes in educational travel to Jordan and other parts of the Middle East. Although Zawaideh handles airline reservations for her clients performing the Hajj, she refers land packages to Muslim tour operators in the United States. “You need to be Muslim to understand the many aspects of booking this kind of trip,” Zawaideh said.

The Hajj, one of the Five Pillars of Islam, is the annual pilgrimage to Mecca, in Saudi Arabia, which all able Muslims are expected to perform at least once in their lifetime. Because the journey is expensive and the logistics can be complicated, traditionally many Muslims wait until they are married and their children are grown to perform the ritual.

For American Muslims, however, it makes sense to make the journey when they are still young because they have the economic means and flexibility that may be more difficult to muster as they become married and need to balance their professional and family lives, said American documentary filmmaker Anisa Mehdi.

Mehdi is an Emmy Award-winning journalist whose National Geographic film Inside Mecca follows three Muslims from very different backgrounds as they embark on the five-day quest for salvation.

All Muslims have to factor the Hajj into their long-term plans because the trip may cost several thousand dollars, Mehdi said. Depending on a person’s economic situation, people may need to save money up to 10 years before they are able to afford the trip, she said.

“The Hajj is an arduous undertaking that requires physical strength, endurance and stamina,” Mehdi said. “Traditionally, older people do it because there is great motivation to complete the transcendental journey, but it is easier for people in good health and strong.”

Logistical reasons require countries to impose quotas on visas during the Hajj, so people also need to be flexible in their plans.

Nearly 1.4 million pilgrims already have arrived in Saudi Arabia to perform the Hajj, which this year begins on or around December 18, depending on moon sightings, and lasts for five days, according to the Embassy of Saudi Arabia in Washington. In 2006, more than 15,000 Americans were among the 2.5 million people making the annual pilgrimage, according to the embassy.

American mosques offer instructions for the Hajj, using PowerPoint presentations to explain the ritual steps of the pilgrimage and the requirements for making a successful Hajj.

Today, people usually spend between two weeks and three weeks making the journey, Mehdi said. “Back in the days when people didn’t fly on airplanes, they would spend the better part of a year walking to Mecca or taking a boat or riding in a caravan.”

The culmination of the Hajj, which occurs on the eighth to the 12th day of Dhu’l-Hijjah, the last month of the Islamic calendar, takes place outside the city of Mecca. Mehdi said Muslims visit Mecca throughout the year, but the only time that Hajj takes place is during the last month of the year.

As elsewhere in the world, American Muslims not going on Hajj often mark the days leading up to the pilgrimage with acts of generosity. In the state of Maryland, for example, the Montgomery County Muslim Council distributes food baskets to needy families and toys to children before Christmas. The council also coordinates with the county to donate hundreds of kilograms of meat to the needy in December.

For more information, see Muslim Life in America.

(USINFO is produced by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov )

Source: USINFO

Related Items:

SUSRIS Special Section – Hajj 2007

American Muslims Travel to Mecca for Annual Pilgrimage – SUSRIS Special Report – Dec 16, 2007

The Hajj and Its Impact on Saudi Arabia and the Muslim World = By David E. Long – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 16, 2007 (Reprint)

The Hajj in Perspective: A Conversation with David Long – SUSRIS Interview – Dec 16, 2007 (Reprint)

The Hajj – SUSRIS NID – January 4, 2006

The Hajj in Perspective: A Conversation with David Long – SUSRIS Interview – Jan 23, 2005

Pilgrims Bid Farewell to Makkah – SUSRIS IOI – Jan. 25, 2005

A Hajj Diary – By Faiza Saleh Ambah – SUSRIS IOI:

Part 1 – The Pilgrimage to Mecca: One Woman’s Journey

Part 2 – On Hajj, Battling Sin and Doubt

Part 3 – A Pilgrim Fends Off Temptation with Pebbles and Prayers

Part 4 – Pelting the Pillars, Again

Part 5 – The Reluctant Pilgrim’s Grudging Return Home

Virtual Hajj – PBS.org [from "Muhammad: Legacy of a Prophet]

In pictures: Hajj preparations

Diary of the Hajj – BBC

Hajj Information Center

Graphical Representation of the Hajj Journey

This article originally appeared in the Saudi-American Forum in February 2003. You can find more articles, links and resources at a SUSRIS Special Section on Hajj 2007. Click here for more.

The Hajj and Its Impact on Saudi Arabia
and the Muslim World
David E. Long

Executive Summary

Each year, 2 million Muslims perform the Hajj, or Great Pilgrimage to Makkah. One of the Five Pillars of Islam, the Hajj is required of all believers once in their lifetimes provided they are physically, mentally and financially able.

For the duration of the Hajj and the traditional visit to al-Madinah afterward, the Saudi government must insure that the Hajjis are provided with adequate housing (mainly in tents), food, water, health and sanitation, ground transportation, and public safety and security.

The government has spent billions of dollars on Hajj infrastructure from the two special Hajj air terminals which are the largest structures under a single roof in the world, to the extensive preventative and curative health and sanitation facilities at all the major Hajj locations. The Saudi government has also maintained a strict policy banning political activity so that militants do not desecrate this peaceful and joyous occasion. It is a task of almost unimaginable proportions.

The Hajj and Its Impact on Saudi Arabia and the Muslim World
By David E. Long

Each year, 2 million Muslims perform the Hajj, or Great Pilgrimage to Makkah, the birthplace of the Prophet Muhammad and where the Qur’an was first revealed to him. One of the Five Pillars of Islam,1 the Hajj is required of all believers once in their lifetimes provided they are physically, mentally and financially able. Sura (Chapter) 3: 90-91 of the Qur’an states: “And the Pilgrimage to the Temple (the Hajj) is an obligation to God from those who are able to journey there.” Although it is not technically a part of the Hajj, most Hajjis then visit al-Madinah, 450 kilometers to the north. In 622 AD, Muhammad and his followers fled to al-Madinah from mounting persecution in Makkah. The flight, known as the Hijrah, marks the beginning of the Muslim, or Hijriyyah calendar.2 Many of the chapters (suras) of the Qur’an were written down in al-Madinah.

Although many religions have pilgrimages, the Hajj is virtually unique in its worldwide participation and sheer size. It is hard for anyone who has not been in the Kingdom during the Hajj to appreciate its full scope. How can a country with a relatively small population such as Saudi Arabia maintain such a good record in administering it each year? The following is a brief overview of administrative, political, economic, and social significance of the Hajj on Saudi Arabia and indeed the entire Muslim world. But first, for those not familiar with the rites of the Hajj, it would be instructive follow the pilgrims through the rites.

The Religious Significance of the Hajj

The Hajj takes place each year during the month of Dhu al-Hijja, the last month of the Muslim calendar. It is virtually impossible to describe the deep emotions generated during the Hajj, even by watching it on Saudi television which annually records it. Each rite has a special significance. The principal rites are Ihram, Tawaf, Sa`y, Wuquf, Nafrah, Rajm, and the `Id al-Adha:3

Ihram is a ritual cleansing and consecration and declaration of intent to perform the Hajj, performed before entering Makkah. Afterwards, pilgrim don special Irham garb of white terrycloth representing the equality of all believers before God, regardless of race, gender, age or social standing. Men wear two coverings for the upper and lower body, and women wear white robes but need not cover their faces.

Tawaf, performed on arrival in the great Haram Mosque in Makkah, is completed by circling seven times around the Ka`bah, located in a great open area in the Haram Mosque. The Ka`bah is considered the spiritual and geographical center of Islam, toward which Muslims face in prayer. Tradition has it that the Ka`bah, a dark stone structure, was originally built by the Prophet Ibrahim (Abraham) and his son Ismail (Ishmael) as a place of worship of the one true God, and symbolizes monotheism which is at the heart of Islam. Each year just before the Hajj, the Ka`bah is covered with a new black velvet and gold drape called the Kiswah. Following the Arrival Tawaf, pilgrims say prayers at the Maqam Ibraham, a station near the Ka`bah, and also drink water from the holy well of Zamzam. Tradition has it that God created the well by striking a stone so that Hajar (Hagar) and Ismail might drink when they were about to die of thirst.

Sa`y consists of seven laps on foot between two elevations formerly adjacent to the mosque but now a part of the mosque complex. It commemorates Hagar’s frantic search for water. Sa`y and Tawaf together are called the Umrah (Lesser pilgrimage) and can be performed any time during the year but do not meet the obligation of Hajj.

Wuquf is performed in a ceremony of “Standing” on the Plain of Arafat, about 20 kilometers east of Makkah beginning at noon on the ninth day of Dhu al-Hijjah, called Yawm al-Wuquf, “Standing Day.” The favored spot to stand is Jabal al-Rahma, the Mount of Mercy, a rocky hill rising about 150 feet above the plain and crowned by a tall white stone obelisk. According to Islamic tradition, the Wuquf is the Hajj – the supreme hours. Everyone must literally be present at `Arafat at maghrib (sunset) or the Hajj is forfeited.

Nafrah: The word literally means “the Rush” in Arabic. As the sun finally disappears over the horizon, in its wake some 2 million Hajjis surge forth from `Arafat to Mina, some 17 kilometers away. They travel by bus, car, truck, and for many as an act of piety, by foot. With so many people, the Nafrah is one of the most chaotic and stressful exercises in this or any other religious observance. The first stop is Muzdalifa about seven kilometers west, where Sunset and Evening prayers (Salat al-Maghrib and al-`Isha) are traditionally said, and a special prayer can be said at a roofless mosque called al-Mash`ar al-Haram (the Sacred Grove). Because of the great crowds, now only the earliest to depart `Arafat usually arrive in Muzdalifa in time for Maghrib prayer, and many say them before leaving Arafat. After midnight and saying Early Morning prayer (Salat al-Fajr), the Hajjis travel on to Mina, a small town about ten kilometers farther west, where they will stay for three days.

Rajm: In Mina, Hajjis perform Rajm over the next three days, the ritual throwing of seven stones at three pillars, called Jamras which represent Shaytans (devils). The tenth through the twelfth of Dhu al-Hijja is also the `Id al-Adha (the Feast of the Sacrifice) which includes the sacramental sacrifice of a blemishless animal, usually a sheep. The `Id is celebrated not only at the Hajj but also throughout the Muslim world where it is a joyous time to visit family and friends.

On the thirteenth, Hajjis return to Makkah for a Farewell Tawaf and are free from all Ihram restrictions. At that point, the Hajj is technically over, and Hajjis are free to travel home or on to visit al-Madinah. There the pace is more relaxed and people can take more time to see the sights, principally the Prophet’s Mosque.

The Impact of the Hajj on Saudi Public Administration

Due to tremendous advances in transportation and communications technology, the Hajj has changed more in the past eight decades since Saudi Arabia formally became guardians of the Holy Places in 1926 than it had in the previous 1300 years of Islamic history.4 In 1927, an estimated 300 to 350 thousand attended with only about 150,000 from outside the Kingdom. In 1972, there was a total of 1,042,007 Hajjis, including 353,460 Saudis, 209,208 non-Saudi residents, and 479,339 from abroad.5 Today, an estimated 2 million perform the Hajj.

The unprecedented increase in the numbers of pilgrims has greatly increased the complexity of Hajj administration. Just to make room for foreign Hajjis, the Saudi government has restricted attendance by Saudis, many of whom formerly often attended every year, to once every five years, and has negotiated visa quotas for foreign Hajjis with their countries of origin.

Another huge logistical problem is how to dispose of the remains of the thousands of sheep annually sacrificed at Mina. For years, families were allowed to keep only what they consumed during the `Id and the rest was buried in huge pits. In recent years, however, an abattoir has been constructed to preserve the meat, and Hajjis may now purchase a sheep from an Islamic bank to be sacrificed in accordance with Islamic practice, with the meat then distributed to the poor throughout the Muslim world. Increasing numbers of Hajjis are choosing this option, which combines piety with charity.

Providing Zamzam water for so many Hajjis is a major task. Traditionally, the Zamzamis roamed the Haram Mosque providing water to all who asked. But with so many pilgrims today, they must now store the water well in advance, replenish portable containers and paper cups in numerous, strategically located places around the mosque, and continuously refill them as needed. A charitable foundation also bottles Zamzam water for sale throughout the world.

To meet these administrative needs, the Saudi government has established a combination of public services and government regulated privately administered Hajj services:

The Hajj Private Service Industry

For centuries, Hajj administration was largely in the hands of ancient, family-organized guilds that arranged for food, lodging and transportation, and also guided pilgrims through the Hajj rites: Wakils, or Agents, who guided them to Makkah, usually from the nearby port city of Jiddah; the Mutawwifs (from the word Tawaf), who guided Hajjis through the Hajj rites; Zamzamis, who distributed Zamzam water; and Dallils, or Guides, who guided visitors to al-Madinah. Lacking the resources to take over these tasks, King Abd al-Aziz (“Ibn Saud”) left them in the hands of the guilds. As the Hajj was the backbone of the economy of the Hijaz, the guilds had traditionally charged literally whatever the Hajj traffic would bear. However, the Saudi government, which takes its responsibility as custodian of the Two Holy Places very seriously, strictly regulates the guilds in order to insure that the Hajjis not be overcharged. Today, the guilds function much as public utilities. To the present day, the principal responsibility for providing personal services to the Hajjis rests with the Mutawwifs, who act essentially as religious tour guide companies for designated countries of origin. They are responsible for looking after the Hajjis under their care from the time they leave home for Saudi Arabia until they return home again.

The Hajj service industry also includes other regulated private sector enterprises. Overland bus transportation is provided by a combination of foreign and Saudi public and private companies. Of the 11,5000 buses in service in the 2002 Hajj, the Saudi Transportation Syndicate, made up of several private companies, provided 7,000, and the Saudi Arabian Public Transportation Company (SAPTCO) provided 600. SAPTCO is a publicly traded, government-managed company whose board of directors is chaired by the Undersecretary of Communications. It was created 24 years ago to provide bus scheduled intercity and international service and chartered service for the Hajj and Umrah. The rest of the buses come from foreign countries.6

In 1945, Saudi Arabia established Saudi Arabian Airlines (Saudia) as a national air carrier. In addition to providing domestic and international air service, it was also given the mission to provide service “for Moslems on pilgrimage to the Holy Cities of Islam in Saudi Arabia.”7 In the 2003 Hajj, Saudia plans to carry 893,702 Hajjis on 1,754 flights from 70 international destinations.8 Most Hajjis will enter the Kingdom at Jiddah, the main Hajj port of entry, where two special Hajj air terminals await them, the largest structures under a single roof in the world.

Public and private Islamic foundations also are involved in operations such as providing and distributing sacrificed meat and Zamzam water. The Ministry of Awqaf (Islamic foundations; sing. Waqf)) also acts as a repository for those who wish to donate charitable contributions as a part of their Hajj experience.

Hajj Public Services

In addition to government-regulated and government-owned Hajj service companies, Saudi Arabia must also provide extensive direct government services for the Hajj. Overall services are coordinated by the Hajj Ministry and the inter-agency Central Hajj Committee. Public safety, public security and traffic control are provided by the Ministry of Interior, and were a special crisis to arise, it can also call on the National Guard. It is responsible for regulating entry and exit from the Kingdom at all land, sea and air ports of entry, and insuring their safe overland travel to and from Makkah and al-Madinah. For the most part, overland traffic is spread out over a number of weeks, but during the Nafrah, all 2 million Hajjis set out at the same time for the same place. It has become one of the greatest traffic gridlocks in the world. Despite Herculean efforts by the traffic police, supplied with the most up-to-date equipment; the journey from Arafat to Mina can take over 12 hours. By comparison, consider a dozen Super Bowl games getting out at the same time and place, everyone all heading in the same direction.

Public health is another Herculean task. Modern health services were originally created in the 19th century because of fear in Europe and America over the spread of cholera. Asian Hajjis brought cholera to Makkah, and North African Hajjis spread it from there to Europe and America. The Western powers pressured the Ottoman sultan to create an international organization called the Paris Office of Hygiene to oversee the health and sanitation aspects of the Hajj. After World War II, the newly formed World Health Organization assumed this responsibility after absorbing the Paris Office. In 1956, the Saudi Ministry of Health assumed responsibility for Hajj health and sanitation and now operates extensive preventative and curative health and sanitation facilities at all major Hajj locations.9 The Saudi Red Crescent Society also participates, operating first aid and other facilities.

Of lesser magnitude but equally important, personnel in Saudi Embassies and Consulates abroad must be augmented each year to process foreign Hajj visa applications. At home, the Foreign Ministry also plays host to VIPs making the Hajj, including cabinet ministers, heads of state and other important personages.

Hajj Infrastructure

The government has also spent billions of dollars on Hajj infrastructure. This has included major expansions of the two holy mosques in Makkah and al-Madinah. The Haram Mosque can now comfortably accommodate a million worshipers, and during the Hajj, twice that number pack into it. There are also two new levels to increase capacity for performing the Sa`y. The Prophet’s Mosque in al-Madinah has also been expanded, although the crowds are smaller there during the Hajj.10 In Mina, the space for throwing stones at the three Jamras has been increased to three tiers.

To accommodate overland transportation at the Hajj, the Saudi government has constructed hundreds of miles of all weather, four lane highways, particularly between Arafat and Mina. It has also installed created a fully computerized traffic control system. Each year, portable tent cities are set up at `Arafat and Mina to provide housing, food, water, health and sanitation, transportation, telecommunications, public safety, banking facilities, markets – indeed all amenities of a city of 2 million people. All in all, nearly every Saudi government agency and ministry becomes involved one way or another in making the Hajj an administrative success.

The Political Significance of the Hajj

The Saudi government has always maintained a strict policy banning political activity under the pretext of attending the Hajj, welcoming Muslims regardless of their political persuasion. Nevertheless, over the years there have been a number of political activists that have tried to use the occasion to press their political agendas. During the height of Arab socialism, radical Arab nationalists made periodic attempts to embarrass the Saudi regime by disrupting the Hajj, but none of them were successful. In an attempt to challenge Saudi Arabia’s role of leadership in the Muslim world and discredit its custodianship of the Islamic holy places, the Khomeini regime in Iran sent provocateurs to disrupt 1982 Hajj in an attempt. Tensions mounted in subsequent years, until 1987 when 400 people were killed and Saudi security services had to be called in to quell violent agitation by Iranian Hajjis.11 Muslims throughout the world condemned the agitation as a desecration of the Hajj.

Since then, the Hajj has remained a peaceful and joyous occasion as it was intended to be. However, in the wake of the attacks on September 11, 2001, the threat of violent political activity has increased as militant Muslims put forward the claim that anti-American and anti-Zionist demonstrations would be in the name of Islam, not politics.

The Economic Impact of the Hajj

Prior to the oil era, the Hajj was the economic backbone of the Saudi economy. With vast oil wealth, the government no longer depend on Hajj revenue, but it is still a major source of income for the private sector. In addition to the Hajj service industry, the Hajj is a major season for the consumer retail season as well, somewhat analogous to the Christmas season in the United States. Hajjis from third world countries in particular buy items that are hard to get or highly taxed at home, such as medicines and luxury items such as perfumes and jewelry. For the 2003 Hajj, about 1500 young Saudis have been hired and trained to accompany the Hajjis on their sacred journey. According the project director, the aim of the project is to create employment for Saudi youth while helping guests and serving in the worship of God.12

In recent years, Islamic religious tourism has been expanded far beyond the Hajj. Many Muslims from all over the world now perform the Umrah year round. The fasting month of Ramadhan is particularly busy season, as many Saudi residents also flock to the Holy Places. At the month draws to an end, Muslims celebrate the anniversary of the first revelation of the Qur’an. On this lailat al-qadir, or “night of power,” some three million people perform tarawih prayers in the Haram Mosque, more than at the Hajj.13

With year round visits now to the two Holy Places, there are no published figures that break out gross revenues generated by the Hajj, but they are estimated to be in the billions of dollars, including annual government expenditures.

The Social Impact of the Hajj

In its size and global scope, the Hajj is the greatest single ritual celebration, not just of Islam, but of any religion anywhere. As one of the Five Pillars of Islam, it is an obligation for one-fifth of world’s population. During the month of Dhu al-Hijjah, virtually the entire population of Saudi Arabia is intimately touched by the Hajj, whether directly in its administration, its service industry, as a purveyor of personal goods and services, or indirectly by observing it on television. The `Id al-Adha, observed at the end of the Hajj, is celebrated throughout the Muslim world as a time of worship and fellowship with family and friends.

Unlike the impact of the Hajj on many foreign visitors, whose journey is a mystical, once in a lifetime experience, the Saudi experience while visiting the Islamic Holy Places, during the Hajj or at any other time of year, is a local, accessible reality. The sites are the physical and geographical manifestation of the birth of Islam. This blending of the highly sacred and the familiar commonplace has permeated Saudi society to such an extraordinary degree that it can be felt in virtually every human endeavor from politics to business to simple recreation.

Notes:

1. The other pillars are the Shahada, or Profession of Faith: “There is no god but God and Muhammad is the Prophet of God”; Salah: regular prayer five times a day while facing Makkah; Zakat: charitable giving; and Sawm: fasting from sunup to sundown during the Muslim month of Ramadhan.
2. The Muslim, or Hijriyyah calendar, designated “AH,” began on July 16, 622. Its lunar years are eleven days shorter than the solar year, resulting in the Hajj beginning earlier each solar year.
3. It is important to note that this description is highly abbreviated. The actual rites are somewhat more complicated and include numerous variations and details.
4. The Saudis were actually in control of Makkah in 1925, and allowed to perform the Hajj, though numbers were greatly reduced.
5. Long, The Hajj Today, p. 135. Figures are derived from collating multiple sources.
6. The Saudi Arabian Information Resource, 18 December 2002,
(http://www.saudinf.com/main/y5068.htm ).
7. Saudi Arabian Airlines, “The Story of Saudi Arabian Airlines,” (pamphlet, 1970), pages unnumbered.
8. Ibid. 6 January 2003, ( http://www.saudinf.com/main/y5159.htm ).
9. See David E. Long, The Hajj Today, (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1979), pp. 76-87.
10. Greg Noakes, “The Servants of God’s House,” Aramco World, January/February 1999, pp. 48, ff.
11. John L. Esposito, “The Iranian Revolution: A Ten Year Perspective,” in John L. Esposito, ed., The Iranian Revolution: Its Global Impact, (Miami: Florida International University Press, 1990), pp. 34-35.
12. Saudi Arabian Information Resource, 14 January 2003, ( http://www.saudinfo.com/main/y5204 )
13. Noakes, Loc. cit.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

David E. Long is a consultant on Middle East and Gulf affairs and international terrorism. He joined the U.S. Foreign Service in 1962 and served in Washington and abroad until 1993, with assignments in the Sudan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan. His Washington assignments included Deputy Director of the State Department’s Office of Counter Terrorism for Regional Policy, a member of the Secretary of State’s Policy Planning Staff, and Chief of the Near East Research Division in the Bureau of Intelligence and Research Bureau. He was also detailed to the Institute for National Strategic Studies of the National Defense University in Washington, 1991-92, and to the United States Coast Guard Academy, 1989-91, where he served as Visiting Professor of International Relations and in 1990-91 as Acting Head of the Humanities Department.

A native of Florida, he received an AB in history from Davidson College, an MA in political science from the University of North Carolina, an MA in international relations from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and a Ph.D. in International Relations from the George Washington University.

In 1974 -1975, Dr. Long was an International Affairs Fellow of the Council on Foreign Relations and concurrently a Senior Fellow at the Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies. While on leave of absence from the State Department, he was the first Executive Director of the Georgetown University Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, 1974-1975. In 1982-1983, he was a Senior Fellow of the Middle East Research Institute and Adjunct Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania, and in 1987-1989, he was a Diplomat in Residence and Research Professor of International Affairs at Georgetown.

Dr. Long has been an adjunct professor at several Washington area universities, including Georgetown, George Washington and American Universities and the Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies. He has also lectured extensively in the United States and abroad on topics relating to the Islam, the Middle East and terrorism.

His publications include The Government and Politics of the Middle East and North Africa (co-editor with Bernard Reich, 4th ed. 2002), Gulf Security in the Twenty-First Century (co-editor with Christian Koch, 1998), The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (1997), The Anatomy of Terrorism (1990), The United States and Saudi Arabia: Ambivalent Allies (1985), Saudi Arabian Modernization (with John Shaw, 1982), The Hajj Today: A Survey of the Contemporary Makkah Pilgrimage (1979), Saudi Arabia (1976) and The Persian Gulf (1976, revised 1978).

Related Items:

SUSRIS Special Section – Hajj 2007

American Muslims Travel to Mecca for Annual Pilgrimage – SUSRIS Special Report – Dec 16, 2007

The Hajj and Its Impact on Saudi Arabia and the Muslim World = By David E. Long – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 16, 2007 (Reprint)

The Hajj in Perspective: A Conversation with David Long – SUSRIS Interview – Dec 16, 2007 (Reprint)

The Hajj – SUSRIS NID – January 4, 2006

The Hajj in Perspective: A Conversation with David Long – SUSRIS Interview – Jan 23, 2005

Pilgrims Bid Farewell to Makkah – SUSRIS IOI – Jan. 25, 2005

A Hajj Diary – By Faiza Saleh Ambah – SUSRIS IOI:

Part 1 – The Pilgrimage to Mecca: One Woman’s Journey

Part 2 – On Hajj, Battling Sin and Doubt

Part 3 – A Pilgrim Fends Off Temptation with Pebbles and Prayers

Part 4 – Pelting the Pillars, Again

Part 5 – The Reluctant Pilgrim’s Grudging Return Home

Virtual Hajj – PBS.org [from "Muhammad: Legacy of a Prophet]

In pictures: Hajj preparations

Diary of the Hajj – BBC

Hajj Information Center

Graphical Representation of the Hajj Journey

Editor’s Note:

National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations President and CEO, Dr. John Duke Anthony, attended the December 3-4, 2007 annual GCC ministerial and heads of state summit in Doha, Qatar. He posted the following account as an exclusive based on his observations of the meetings of the six heads of state, which included the first-ever attendance (and remarks) by a President of Iran.

In a region of ongoing unease faced with an unprecedented array of geopolitical challenges, the increasingly economically savvy heads of state of six Gulf countries — Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, the GCC — held their annual summit in Doha, the capital of Qatar, on December 3-4. What transpired in this burgeoning center of sovereign wealth and unprecedented economic development has implications that warrant the close attention of Western and other powers.

GCC Regional Concerns
This year, despite a dynamic and sunny economic front, present in addition to the summiteers were lingering old clouds and gathering storm fronts to no one’s liking. The most prominent remain those accompanying Iraq, the Arab-Israeli conflict, Lebanon-Syria, and, the more recent one, the present and possibly worsening situation regarding regional war and peace prospects as it pertains to Iran. Whereas Americans and other Westerners may view each of these four phenomena as separate and distinct from one another, the summiteers that gathered in Qatar view them differently: they see them as interconnected.

Iran’s Ascendance
Perhaps the most significant distinction was the presence, for the first time ever in the 26-year history of the GCC, of Iranian President Ahmadinejad, invited by the Amir of Qatar, the host country. Given the controversy associated with Iran’s foreign policies and international behavior for some time, it is legitimate to question why the GCC took such a step at this moment. The question has an air of curiosity if not urgency. One reason is that many American and Israeli hawks have long since jettisoned any inclination to give Iran’s leaders the benefit of the doubt on its nuclear enrichment program and its interests and involvement in the four geopolitically-related issues noted. The second reason appeared barely hours after the final summit session concluded. A drop: new and official U.S. National Intelligence Estimate reversed an earlier assessment, declaring with “high confidence” that Iran had halted the potential military-related components of its nuclear program in 2003.

While the second phenomenon occurred immediately after the proceedings had ended and therefore was not discussed, summiteers offered several possible reasons for the unprecedented invitation extended to Ahmadinejad. One is that it is in the GCC’s self-interest to demonstrate to the Iranian president that the member-countries are not in favor of anyone confronting Iran militarily regardless of the state or extent of its nuclear research development program. This rationale is understandable in light of past summits when a quasi-joke circulated that, “America attacked Iraq militarily and Iran won.” That Iran was thereby emboldened to a greater extent than any time in recent memory caused its own troublesome concern bordering on fear at each of the past two summits, a sentiment not lessened by the American Vice President’s meeting with Saudi Arabian King Abdallah only a few days before last year’s summit convened in Riyadh.

A second reason for inviting Ahmadinejad was explained as affording the GCC leaders an opportunity to talk with and impress upon him their concerns relating to Iran’s position towards and roles with respect to Iraq. Without exception, the GCC governments seek to see Iraq regain de facto and maintain de jure its national sovereignty, political independence, and territorial integrity. These concepts as they relate to nation state attributes are emblematic of the three most essential criteria for international recognition by and admission into the United Nations. All three criteria have an additional poignancy and relevance in this instance as Iraq was one of the then handful of independent Arab countries that participated in the United Nations’ founding.

A third reason for the unusual invitation has to do with the Arab-Israeli conflict and is related to the first and second explanations in the sense that all GCC leaders are eager to remove the one reason many American officials have given since 2003 as to why they have neglected to give the task of resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict its due. It goes without saying that the summiteers in Doha have been continuously dismayed at the extent to which Washington officialdom, if only for its own interests in regional peace and stability and that of Israel as well, has refused to devote the requisite energy, courage, and statesmanship essential to reaching a satisfactory and sustainable settlement.

Without building upon the platitudes and commitments enunciated at the recent Annapolis meeting that brought together the representatives of more than 40 countries keen to see measurable progress on this front, no one at the summit in Qatar was prepared to be very optimistic about the prospects for peace between Arabs and Israelis, let alone between and among other contending parties to ongoing discord. Without early and sustained movement towards ending this conflict, neither could anyone with whom this writer spoke see any meaningful prospect for removing what is acknowledged to be the single greatest recruitment vehicle for radical extremists and increased manifestations of anti-American sentiments since the Bush Administration began.

Implicit in the GCC leaders’ viewing the possibilities of cooperating with Iran on these interrelated issues is a threefold list of objectives. It is that Iran lessen its stridency on matters pertaining to its nuclear developments; be less supportive of its agents and sympathizers involved in violent activities in Iraq and elsewhere as well, not withstanding agreement that armed resistance to foreign military occupation is an internationally recognized right; and generally manifest a greater disposition to be moderate in tone and less defiant in substance in its public pronouncements on issues of great sensitivity not just to Iranians and others in the Gulf region but to countries and governments elsewhere as well.

On Iran’s side, it is fair to say that practically any invitation for its president to attend a GCC heads of state summit would have been accepted, as indeed this one was and without any reservation. As the Islamic Republic’s leaders have long tried to convey, Tehran’s stated interest lies in peaceful and productive cooperation with all of its neighbors. To that end, the Iranian president implied, as he has done repeatedly on previous occasions, that the nature and character of such ties be mutually beneficial and reciprocally respectful of each other’s culture and the orientation of their respective national and religious identities.

Within hours of his arrival in Doha, President Ahmadinejad rearticulated variants of this central theme. Indeed, he proceeded to propose practical and tangible cooperation between Iran and the GCC in a dozen fields of development ranging from education, science, and technology, to matters pertaining to trade, investment and commerce in general as well as regional defense. Viewed strategically, what he proposed is a kind of Six Plus One grouping. In the event the summiteers were to agree, the members would presumably have regular meetings with a view to forging accords and understandings on a broad range of issues of common concern and interest.

While attendance by the Iranian president was not expected in the run-up to this summit, his presence definitely created a “buzz.” In the view of this writer, however, there is no likelihood of Iran being invited to become a member of the GCC. Doing so would, at a minimum, require amending what is perhaps the single most important criterion for the organization’s membership: namely, that the GCC, among other things, is comprised of a grouping of states whose forms of government are similar, a condition that Iran, as presently constituted politically and configured governmentally, cannot meet.

Further, the prospect of the GCC member countries, individually or collectively, agreeing to a long-sought Iranian strategic objective — the withdrawal of Western and primarily American armed forces from their positions and roles in matters pertaining to Gulf deterrence and defense — is even less likely to be met. At most, what could reasonably be expected would be a potential boost in favor of greater detente if not the imminent prospects of a full-fledged rapprochement. Stated differently, at hand are the prospects for a much greater atmospheric receptivity in which it should be possible for the two sides to explore the possibilities for greater cooperation on issue-specific agendas in which they have a common and compelling interest.

About Dr. Anthony
Dr. John Duke Anthony is founding President and CEO of the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations. Established in 1983, the Council is an American nonprofit and nongovernmental organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Council’s vision is a relationship between the United States and the Arab world that is based upon the firmest foundation possible. The Council’s mission is educational. Dr. Anthony is the only Westerner to have been invited to attend each of the GCC’s annual ministerial and heads of state summits since the organization’s establishment in 1981.

Related Articles/Items on SUSRIS:

GCC Aims for Greater Integration 28th Gulf Cooperation Council Summit – Doha – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 10, 2007

27th GCC Supreme Council Summit Wrap up – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 13, 2006

Iran and Iraq in Focus on Eve of Riyadh GCC Summit – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 8, 2006

The US – GCC Relationship – Dr. John Duke Anthony – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 15, 2006

Regional Issues from the Foreign Minister’s Perspective: Prince Saud al-Faisal’s Remarks to the Press – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 20, 2006

Gulf Cooperation Council Consultative Summit – Riyadh, Saudi Arabia – SUSRIS NID – May 7, 2006

26th Summit of the Gulf Cooperation Council – Dec 18-19, 2005 – Abu Dhabi – SUSRIS NID – Dec 20, 2005

GCC Info – SUSRIS Fact Book

Editor’s Note:

The Doha, Qatar summit among heads of state from Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE and Oman was held December 3-4, 2007. The meeting of the Gulf Cooperation Council leaders received extra attention from the media this year when it was announced that Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was invited to the event.

This SUSRIS IOI provides an overview by Abu Zainab of Arab News. We will offer for your consideration in the coming days an analysis by Dr. John Duke Anthony, President of the National Council on US-Arab Relations, and the only American to be invited to every GCC Summit since the organization’s inauguration in 1981. We also have assembled related materials, photos, and links in a SUSRIS Special Section.

GCC Aims for Greater Integration
Abu Zainab, Arab News

DOHA – GCC leaders began their annual summit here [Dec 3] to discuss ways of strengthening political, economic, security and defense cooperation and how to ward off mounting challenges facing their countries.

“Although the GCC has made several major achievements it is still below the expectation of people. So we have to double our efforts to satisfy those hopes and aspirations,” said Sheikh Hamad ibn Khalifa Al-Thani of Qatar in his opening speech.
The Qatari emir also emphasized the need for the GCC to make greater progress in science and technology in order to achieve sustained growth. “We should become a source for knowledge.. ..and we should be able to develop it instead of just becoming its consumers,” the emir added.

“We are meeting today in an atmosphere of strong dangers that threaten our nations, the region and the world,” the Qatari ruler said in reference to the nuclear standoff between Iran and the West, the mobilization of military forces in the Gulf, the situation in Iraq and Pakistan and terrorism.

Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah is leading the Saudi delegation to the conference. The delegation includes Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal, Intelligence Chief Prince Muqrin, Labor Minister Ghazi Al-Gosaibi, Finance Minister Ibrahim Al-Assaf and Culture and Information Minister Iyad Madani.

President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the first Iranian president to attend a GCC summit, tried to allay fears of his Gulf neighbors and presented a 12-point program to promote relations between Tehran and the six-member Gulf Cooperation Council. In his speech at the summit, Ahmadinejad offered to sign a security pact with the GCC (Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman and the United Arab Emirates).

“We are proposing the conclusion of a security agreement,” the president said, saying that insecurity would affect all countries bordering the Gulf. “We want peace and security.. ..based on justice and without foreign intervention,” he said.

He proposed forming an organization to improve economic cooperation between Iran and the GCC as well as working toward a free trade agreement. He also called for the abolishing of visas to facilitate travel between Iran and the GCC states.

Ahmadinejad said here [Dec 3] that the issue of Tehran’s controversial nuclear program was “closed” and that his country was prepared for any eventuality. “The nuclear issue is now closed. We do not feel threatened at all and we are prepared for any eventuality or conditions,” he told reporters.

His response came after the US intelligence community said [Dec 3] that Iran appears “less determined to develop nuclear weapons” than the US government has been claiming for the past two years.

At the same time, the Islamic republic is thought to be “keeping open the option to develop nuclear weapons,” according to declassified key findings of a National Intelligence Estimate (NIE), the formal consensus of all 16 US spy agencies.

It cited “high confidence” that Tehran halted its nuclear weapons program in late 2003 and “moderate confidence” that it had not restarted as of mid-2007.

Before leaving Tehran, Ahmadinejad hailed his invitation to Qatar and said he hoped to attend part of the summit itself and to have bilateral meetings.

King Abdullah entered the conference hall flanked by Ahmadinejad and Sultan Qaboos of Oman. Ahmadinejad held a meeting behind closed doors with Sheikh Khalifa ibn Zayed Al-Nahayan, the president of the United Arab Emirates, with which Iran has close trade ties despite a longstanding territorial dispute.

GCC leaders are due to announce the formation of a common market during the summit. They will also have to decide whether to stick to a self-imposed 2010 target to launch a single currency for the region, even as inflation keeps rising.

Among the major regional development projects that would come up for discussions at the summit is the ambitious multibillion dollar GCC railway venture.

A study is being conducted to assess the project’s feasibility under the supervision of the World Bank. The summit will be briefed on the progress made by the study so far. Its findings are, however, to be tabled at the next GCC Summit scheduled to be held in Muscat in 2008.

The Riyadh Summit had issued a resolution for conducting a joint study to assess the feasibility of GCC-member states developing nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. Since the demand for power and desalinated water was increasing at a rapid rate in the region.

“The situation in the region would top issues at the Summit. GCC leaders would also discuss the situation in Iraq, Iran’s nuclear program, the Middle East peace process and the developments in Sudan and Somalia,” GCC Secretary-General Abdul Rahman Al-Attiyah told reporters.

“GCC states sometimes do tend to take different stands on issues but this is not something negative. It’s rather healthy and helps member-countries to forge common viewpoints and strategies and consolidate their unity,” said Al-Attiyah.

There were serious discussions among member countries on whether to ride out the tumbling US dollar or sever currency pegs. The UAE said it could consider revaluing after talks with other GCC members. “We will do that after consulting with GCC colleagues,” UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah ibn Zayed Al-Nahayan told reporters. A GCC official said the draft summit statement did not make any reference to the issue.

An Omani official said ministers were, however, discussing how to respond to the dollar’s tumble to record lows against the euro and a basket of currencies last month, fueling inflation by driving up the cost of Gulf imports. “There are those who think the dollar crisis is a temporary one that would end in a few months,” Oman’s foreign affairs minister told Qatar’s Al-Sharq newspaper. “However there are those who see it necessary to delink Gulf currencies from the dollar and replace it with a basket of currencies as Kuwait has done,” Youssef ibn Alawi ibn Abdullah said. “And the ministers are studying this,” he added.

- Additional input from agencies

Source: Arab News

Related Items – On SUSRIS:

GCC Summit – December 3-4, 2007 – SUSRIS Special Section

27th GCC Supreme Council Summit Wrapup – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 13, 2006

Iran and Iraq in Focus on Eve of Riyadh GCC Summit – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 6, 2006

The US – GCC Relationship – Dr. John Duke Anthony – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 15, 2006

Regional Issues from the Foreign Minister’s Perspective: Prince Saud al-Faisal’s Remarks to the Press – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 20, 2006

Gulf Cooperation Council Consultative Summit – Riyadh, Saudi Arabia – SUSRIS NID – May 7, 2006

26th Summit of the Gulf Cooperation Council – Dec 18-19, 2005 – Abu Dhabi – SUSRIS NID – Dec 20, 2005

GCC Info – SUSRIS Fact Book

Related Items – Other Sources:

Editorial: Key Objectives – Arab News

Iran Declares ‘Victory’ After US Nuclear Report – Arab News

GCC to Launch Common Market in January – Arab News

Final communique of the 28th GCC Summit – Gulf News

Khalifa praises outcome – Gulf News

At a glance: The doha declaration – Gulf News

Communique: Council satisfied with common market plan – Gulf News

Gulf states will not support US efforts to isolate Iran – Gulf News

Iran avoids nuclear talk – Gulf News

No dollar announcement at GCC summit – Gulf News

Ahmadinejad proposes economic bloc of seven nations – Gulf News

Qatar Emir warns of grave dangers – Gulf News

GCC summit to stick to 2010 currency deadline – Gulf News

GCC Summit Issues Final Communiqué – 27th Summit (2006)

This year’s GCC summit promises a more productive future – Daily Star

Gulf countries speak out against military option in Iran – AFP

Bahrain welcomes Iran’s overture to Gulf Arabs – AFP

Editor’s Note:

Today we present for your consideration a presentation by Mohammed Al Qahtani, President and CEO, Aramco Services Company, at the recent Arab-US Policymakers Conference in Washington, DC. Mr. Qahtani spoke about future global energy demand Saudi Aramco’s contributions to meeting those requirements.

His presentation was among those of Clay Sell, Deputy Secretary of the US Energy Department; Michael Dolan, President ExxonMobil Chemical Company and VP, ExxonMobil Corporation; John Hofmeister, President, Shell Oil Company; Gary Heminger, President, Marathon Petroleum Company and Sigmund Cornelius, Senior VP, ConocoPhillips; in a panel chaired by Dr. Frank Verrastro, CSIS. Those presentations are available in the SUSRIS Special Section, AUSPC 2007.

Mohammed Al Qahtani

Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I am really honored to share the stage with such a distinguished group of panelists, and to talk to about Saudi Aramco’s role in helping meet future energy demands. I would like also to thank Secretary Sell for his kind remarks towards Saudi Arabia and Saudi Aramco. Thank you very much.

It’s also a pleasure to be back in Washington and to be around so many people who recognize the importance of strong U.S.-Arab relations. I believe the timing of this conference is especially appropriate because it offers the opportunity to address some of the issues raised in the National Petroleum Council report. The NPC’s study correctly concludes that the world is going to need more energy, a lot more energy in the years to come. Experts predict that global energy demand will grow by about 50 percent over the next 25 years. While there is no quick and easy way to meet this growing appetite for energy, I believe we can successfully address our global energy supply challenges through a four-point approach. First, add new production capacity and additional reserves to keep pace with the growing demand for oil. Second, build new refineries and reconfigure existing plans to process a wider range of crude grades. And third, increase energy conservation and improve efficiency. And fourth, invest in technology that will help us find and produce more energy, use it more efficiently, and reduce the environmental impact.

Today, I will discuss Saudi Aramco’s contributions to each of these areas. But first, I think it would be useful to look at oil’s role in meeting future global energy demands. The U.S. Energy Information Administration forecasts that hydrocarbons will provide about 85 percent to the world’s energy needs for at least the next 25 years, with alternative sources providing the rest. The world will continue to rely on hydrocarbons, and oil in particular, with alternatives complementing oil, not replacing it.

So the question is: Where will the oil come from? Widely accepted estimates put proven conventional oil reserves at approximately 1.2 trillion barrels, while recoverable non-conventional reserves, heavy oil and tar sands, are at least one-and-a-half trillion barrels. In addition, experts believe that ongoing exploration activities and advances in technology will enable us to find an additional two trillion barrels from new fields and increase recovery rates in existing fields. Added together, we are looking at more than four-and-a-half trillion barrels of potentially recoverable oil.

When you consider that the world’s total production of oil to date totals about one trillion barrels, this means we have tapped less than 20 percent of the estimated global crude oil resources. Let’s put it in other words. There is enough oil in the ground to meet the world’s needs for at least the next 140 years at current consumption levels.

So what is Saudi Aramco’s role in all of this? Saudi Aramco conservatively estimates its proven crude oil reserves at 260 billion barrels, which equals to about 25 percent of the world’s total. The company also manages the world’s fourth largest natural gas reserves. In addition, Saudi Aramco delivers more than 10 percent of all the oil used throughout the world every day. And I can assure you that the company is firmly committed to maintaining this leadership role as a reliable and a responsible supplier.

As part of this long-term strategy, Saudi Aramco is pursuing an unprecedented expansion program to increase total capacity from about 10 million barrels per day in 2004 to maximum sustained capacity of 12 million barrels by 2009. And if you look at the entire Saudi Arabia, it is 12.5; that includes the northern neutralized zone. Importantly, this increase in capacity, which has already reached 10.8 million barrels per day will enable the company to continue to maintain a spare production capacity in the range of one-and-a-half to two million barrels per day. Although expensive to the company, the maintenance of this buffer is crucial to help ensure market stability in the event of disruptions in the supply from other producers. This extra capacity has helped moderate volatility in world oil markets during major supply interruptions caused by political turmoil in producing countries and natural disasters like Hurricanes Katrina, and Rita.

Two major components of Saudi Aramco’s crude oil production capacity expansion program are Hures (phonetic), which represents the largest incremental increase in the history of the oil industry with 1.2 million barrels per day, and Manifa (phonetic), which represents the oil industry’s largest ever offshore increment with 900,000 barrels per day. Saudi Aramco is also pursuing an aggressive expansion of its exploration activities in frontier areas like the Rub’ al Khali [Empty Quarter] desert and the Red Sea. The company has tremendous potential for discovering additional reserves of oil and natural gas resources.

In addition to conducting exploration on its own, Saudi Aramco is participating in a number of joint ventures with international oil companies to explore for natural gas in Saudi Arabia. In the downstream sector, Saudi Aramco is planning to increase its worldwide refining capacity by nearly 50 percent to almost six million barrels per day during the next four to five years. Some of this capacity will be in the U.S. and much of it will be capable of processing heavy sour crude, thereby helping correct the worldwide mismatch between crude quality and existing refining configurations. Saudi Aramco is also developing a number of integrated refining and petrochemical facilities in the kingdom, which will help meet the grown global demand for petrochemicals and their derivatives.

Throughout all of these projects and programs, the company has strong commitment to environmental stewardship and energy conservation. For example, Saudi Aramco has developed a carbon management technology roadmap to help reduce CO2 emissions. The company is also implementing energy conservation measures to reduce the amount of energy required to produce a barrel of oil.

Now, I would like to talk about the vital role that technology plays in all of this. Saudi Aramco has achieved a strong record of developing and deploying advanced technologies. Cutting-edge innovations, like seismic processing, intelligent fields, and sophisticated reservoir simulation, have enabled the company to make great strides in exploration and production. For example, the company’s earth scientists and engineers are meeting the challenge of boosting well productivity through dramatic innovations and multilateral well drilling. Their use of advanced down well technologies allows the number of laterals to increase several-fold and maximum reservoir contact wells can boost recovery rates ten-fold or even higher.

Looking to the future, major technology opportunities include the use of nanotechnology in subsurface and engineering, and the development and deployment of new tools to better manage the reservoirs. New technologies also hold great promise for improving energy efficiency and reducing the environmental footprint of global energy use. As part of Saudi Aramco’s commitment to this objective, the company is a major sponsor of the Weyburn-Midale CO2 Storage and Monitoring Initiative, an international effort to study the feasibility of long-term carbon storage in conjunction with enhanced oil recovery.

Now that I have covered Saudi Aramco’s projects and technology, I want to talk about cooperation as a critical factor in the global energy equation. While the prospects of energy independence might seem appealing, the bottom line is that no company or country can go it alone in a global energy market. Therefore, we much approach issues like energy security, economic impacts, infrastructure, and environmental and policy matters in an integrated and cooperative manner.

I certainly believe that working together we can accomplish this. Saudi Aramco, for example, is involved in numerous mutually beneficial partnerships. In addition to the natural gas exploration joint ventures I have previously mentioned, the company participates in joint technology development with oil fields service companies and collaborative research with academic institutions. The company also has a number of productive partnerships with IOCs and refining and marketing activities throughout the world, including here in the U.S.

The strong bond between Saudi Aramco and American oilmen began in the 1930s when Damman well number 7 literally “gushered” in the oil business for Saudi Arabia. Since then, thousands of Americans have spent their careers working for Saudi Aramco, helping build the world’s leading oil company.

Saudi Aramco currently delivers 1.4 million barrels of crude oil to the United States every day. This represents about 15 percent of the total U.S. oil imports. In addition, Saudi Aramco has purchased billions worth of goods and services from American suppliers during the last decade alone. And it now has hundreds of contracts with U.S.-based companies.

Saudi Aramco is also a partner through a wholly-owned subsidiary with Shell and Motiva Enterprises. We just last month announced a 325,000 barrels per day capacity expansion at its Port Arthur, Texas refinery. The expansion will increase the refinery’s crude oil throughput capacity to a total of 600,000 barrels per day. This will make it the largest refinery in the U.S. and one of the largest in the world. It will also enhance the refinery’s ability to handle more diverse grades of crude oil. It also will strengthen America’s supplies of gasoline, diesel, and aviation fuel. And it will provide about 4,500 construction jobs and 300 new permanent jobs upon completion.

There is also mutual benefit resulting from Americans working for Saudi Aramco. The company appreciates the skills and talents of the American members of its workforce and maintains an aggressive recruiting program to attract experienced geologists, engineers, and other specialties from across North America. Higher education is another example of the company’s close ties with the U.S. Over the past 40 years, thousands of Saudi Aramco-sponsored students, myself included, have benefited from the U.S. university experience. Nearly 700 of the company’s students are currently enrolled in universities and advanced professional programs here in the U.S. Many of Saudi Aramco’s executives have benefited from the exceptional education and training they received here in the United States and the contacts they made while in the U.S. universities have helped set the stage for productive business relationships going forward.

So I’d like here to summarize my remarks by reemphasizing three key points. First, Saudi Aramco is bullish on the role of petroleum and helping meet the world’s future energy supply challenges. The company is committed to increasing its sustainable production capacity to 12 million barrels per day by 2009. In addition, Saudi Aramco has begun an aggressive exploration program to find additional oil and gas reserves. The company is also increasing its worldwide refining capacity by nearly 50 percent in the next four to five years.

Second, Saudi Aramco, recognizing that innovation and innovative technologies will provide more energy, improve efficiency, promote conservation and result in a cleaner environment. And third, Saudi Aramco believes that increased cooperation through joint ventures, partnerships and alliances will be crucial to dealing effectively with the world’s energy challenges. I’d like to conclude my remarks by applauding this conference, not only for addressing energy and other key issues, but also for emphasizing the importance and value of nations and people working together. Thank you very much.

Transcript courtesy of the National Council on US-Arab Relations

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AMF Chief Urges GCC States to Drop Dollar Peg
P.K. Abdul Ghafour, Arab News

JEDDAH, 1 December 2007 — The pressure on the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries is growing to drop their pegs to the tumbling US dollar with the Dec. 3-4 GCC Summit expected to take a decision on the matter in order to stop soaring inflation in the region.

The latest call for depegging from the dollar came from Jassem Al-Mannai, chairman of the Arab Monetary Fund (AMF), who urged the GCC states to lift their pegs to the dollar, saying revaluations would not solve the problem of rising inflation. Speaking at an economic seminar in Abu Dhabi, he advised the GCC that groups Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, Oman, Kuwait and the UAE, to switch to a managed float or peg their currencies to a basket, including the euro, sterling and yen.

Mannai said there was no harm in linking GCC currencies with a basket of currencies as many countries have successfully adopted this monetary measure in the past.

“There is no currency exchange system suitable for all ages and places … In the past GCC economies were negligible and now they have to adopt polices that suit their economic progress,” he said.

Mannai called upon the GCC states to adopt an exchange rate based on a basket weighted on currencies of their main trade partners, including the euro, dollar, sterling and yen. The European Union is now the main trading partner of the GCC accounting for 35 percent of their foreign trade, followed by Asian countries 30 percent and the US 10 percent.

The UAE, the second largest economy in the GCC after Saudi Arabia, called this month for all Gulf oil producers to switch from fixed exchange rates to currency baskets. According to some sources, Saudi Arabia could consider revaluing its currency for the first time in 21 years without dropping its peg to the dollar.

But Mannai said revaluations alone would not solve the problem. “It will not be in the interest of Gulf countries and it will not help solve the problems that they are facing, because nobody can give us guarantee for the dollar not to fall further,” the economist told the seminar.

“It will not give these countries the freedom to fight inflation which is posing a growing threat to their economies,” he added.

Inflation is at a 10-year high in Saudi Arabia, a 16-year peak in Oman, a 19-year high in the UAE and near a record in Qatar. Rising prices of essential commodities have triggered calls for a national wage hike in Saudi Arabia, demands for price controls in Qatar and Oman and demand for higher pay by migrant workers in the UAE.

UAE central bank Gov. Sultan Nasser Suweidi cited inflation in his call for reform, saying dollar pegs forced Gulf central banks to track US monetary policy to maintain the relative value of their currencies.

– Additional input from agencies

Source: Arab News

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The Riyal’s Peg to the Dollar [Part 2] – Brad Bourland – SUSRIS IOI – Sept 4, 2007

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The Saudi Economy’s Golden Era: Phase Two [Part 2] – Brad Bourland – SUSRIS IOI – Aug 24,2007

Saudi Arabia 2006 Economic Performance – SUSRIS IOI – Feb 21, 2007

The US – GCC Relationship – Dr. John Duke Anthony – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 15, 2006

27th GCC Supreme Council Summit Wrapup – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 13, 2006

Iran and Iraq in Focus on Eve of Riyadh GCC Summit – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 8, 2006

The GCC and the Management of Policy Consequences – Chas W Freeman, Jr. – SUSRIS IOI – Nov 3, 2006

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Gulf States Can’t Cut Inflation With Currencies, Citi, HSBC Say – Bloomberg

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Saudi-US Gathering in Abha Billed a Big Success
Hayat Al-Ghamdi, Arab News

ABHA, 29 November 2007 — A Saudi-American gathering tackling educational and economic issues ended in Abha yesterday.

The Abha Chamber of Commerce and Industry and the US Consulate in Jeddah jointly organized the gathering to celebrate over 60 years of good relations between the two countries.

Abdul Aziz Al-Khadiri from the Asir Municipality inaugurated the gathering, which was also attended by officials from the American Consulate. Highlights of the event included screening of documentaries and an art exhibition. Workshops were held for English teachers of both sexes.

Officials explained to the gathering how to get a US visa and the procedures that Saudis need to follow to study in the United States. The deputy of the board of directors the Abha chamber, Muhammad Abdul Aziz Al-Amir, said that many businessmen from the are are willing to invest in US companies. He also said that many students from the region hoped to pursue their education in America.

The American delegates said they were surprised with the huge number of people gathered at the event, especially that many women showed up. According to Al-Amir, people of different social and educational backgrounds came to the gathering. On the second day, more than 4,000 people attended.

Source: Arab News

Related Links:

US Consulate General Jeddah, Saudi Arabia

We Want the Palestinians to Live Better: Saud Al-Faisal
Tim Kennedy, Arab News

WASHINGTON, 28 November 2007 — Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal held a one-hour briefing with the US press on Monday at the Saudi Embassy here. Attendance was limited to 25 print journalists, however several broadcast reporters — notably George Stephanopoulos from ABC and Andrea Mitchell from NBC — were also present and took handwritten notes.

The foreign minister addressed a range of issues, including the peace conference in Annapolis, Saudi-Israeli relations, Hamas, and the war in Iraq. Here is an edited transcript of the briefing:

Q: Why is Saudi Arabia taking part in this conference?

A: We are here for several reasons. First, because these are to be comprehensive meetings, not just a meeting between Palestinians and Israelis. Second, because we believe peace is necessary. Third, because of assurances from the US that it will use its full influence to bring about an agreement.

Q: How do you define “full influence?”

A: This means being fully interested in the negotiations. It means the commitment of the President to fully backing the negotiations.

Q: What outcome does Saudi Arabia seek from this conference?

A: We are looking for a commitment from the United States that it will do everything that can be done to get the parties to discuss the final status of Palestine.

In the past, Israel has used the issue of security as an excuse for not being fully engaged in the peace process. Lately, however, we have not heard much about the security issue from the Israelis.

This may be one reason why so many Arab leaders were willing to travel to Annapolis to attend this conference.

We are fully committed to the peace process, and we hope that all parties in these negotiations are equally committed to a future of peace.

Just look at the price that has been paid in the Middle East over the years in bloodshed and sacrifice — on both sides. Look at the economic opportunities that have been lost. Look at what has been spent — wasted — on armaments in the region.

This tragic situation has been allowed to go on for close to 60 years without anyone trying to stop it. If it were not for this, the Middle East could be one of the most stable and prosperous regions in the world.

Q: Is the king of Saudi Arabia confident in President Bush’s ability to move the peace process forward?

A: When the president says that he will use every resource to back this effort how can you not be convinced of his sincerity? But Arabs also must be convinced that there will be the breakthrough that they expect.

Q: Do the Palestinians and Israel intend to issue a joint statement document at the end of the conference?

A: There have been many documents that have come out, but most of them contain more brackets than words.

We hope that they will conclude the conference with the issuance of a joint declaration document that will include some sort of monitoring of the subsequent peace process.

Q: What are your thoughts on the legitimacy of Hamas as a political force in Palestine?

A: In Makkah, Hamas agreed to a cease-fire that would continue as long as peace talks continued. They formed a government of national unity. Unfortunately, the international community did not respect this government, only certain segments of it.

Recognition is not a process of reward. If you are working for peace, you must deal with the elements of peace. Undoubtedly, the government of national unity created by Hamas was an essential element in the process, yet it has been left out in the hinterlands and isolated. These events have created a feeling within Hamas that there was a conspiracy against them.

Q: Saudi Arabia has been spearheading a commission that seeks rapprochement between Hamas and Fatah. How is this effort progressing?

A: We have tried to bring them together. Work by our commission is ongoing. The two parties are continuing to converse in order to identify and resolve issues. They must recognize a government of national unity…and they must give up their militias.

Q: There will soon be a donors meeting in Paris to discuss the financial fate of the Palestinians. What will be Saudi Arabia’s contribution?

A: We will contribute and we will be the largest contributor.

The Palestinians are not primitive people, yet under Israeli occupation they are leading miserable, primitive lives. We are sensitive to all that and we will help with that.

Q: In an interview in this week’s Time magazine, you say that you have no intention of shaking the hand of the Israeli Prime Minister at the conference. Have you decided now to shake his hand, even out of civility?

A: I don’t think so. We have had handshakes from the Israelis in the past, and these were followed by attacks on the Palestinians.

If a hand is given to you and it is a fist, you don’t shake it. If the hand is truly opened in a show of peace, then you shake it.

I am not here to take part in a bit of diplomatic theater. I’m not here to imply that things are not topsy-turvy in Israel. Shaking hands will give the impression that things are regular between Saudi Arabia and Israel. This is a serious occasion and it should be taken seriously.

Q: Will Saudi Arabia seek to normalize relations with Israel?

A: We will make no steps until peace is established between Israel and the Palestinians.

Q: What are your thoughts on peace negotiations between Syria and Israel?

A: There is an old saying in the Middle East, “You can’t make war without Egypt, and you can’t make peace without Syria.”

Israel has already offered to pursue this discussion. I hope that not much time will pass until Israel and Syria resolve their issues. If they succeed, it will be better for the whole region.

Q: Americans have read with interest about the court case in Saudi Arabia where a woman was sentenced to 200 lashings. Is this punishment out of proportion to the crime?

A: These things sometimes happen. It was a bad judgment handed down by the Saudi legal system. In Saudi Arabia, the legal system is independent.

Bad legal judgments also sometimes occur in the United States, but no one vilifies the American people and the US government because of them.

With the Saudi case, the legal process is continuing. It may result in the decision being reversed.

Q: What do you think about the apparent success of the American military “surge” in Iraq?

A: We wish that the military surge in Iraq was complimented by a surge on the government’s commitment to a political solution. We wish that the Iraqis, in addition to being united in their opposition to terrorism, would also be united in their hopes for a united country.

Source: Arab News

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Middle East Peace Conference at Annapolis – November 2007 – SUSRIS Special Section

Saudi Arabia to go to Annapolis – SUSRIS Special Report – Nov 23, 2007

LtGen Martin E. Dempsey: Thanks, [MajGen William Nash, USA (Retired)] Bill. I’m glad you mentioned “T1″ [Sheikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdul Mohsin al Tuwaijiri], who was the deputy commander of the Saudi Arabian National Guard. Because for me he, like for you, he was a father figure to me. And one of the very first things he told me when I went to him and said, what is it I think I should take away from this first meeting with you? And he said, well, general, remember that a camel is unaware of the curve of its own neck. Now, of course, I acted as though I completely understood what he meant, but it took me some time to actually figure out what he was suggesting to me. And what he was doing was sort of foretelling the fact that over the course of my time in Saudi Arabia, he would be trying to educate me on “us” while at the same time educating me on “them.” And it was a very profound period of time in my life as I sat at the side of “T1″ to learn about us from the perspective of our friends and allies in that part of the world.

We continue to learn and we act at great peril if we don’t continue to learn in the process of trying to advance our common interest. That’s where I’d like to start actually. If Admiral Fallon were here, and he sends his regrets, he would tell you that this topic, security cooperation, is truly the key to long-term stability in the 27 nations that we describe as the central command area of operation. And there are 27 countries, as you know, organized into, really into three subregions – the “Stans,” the larger Arab world, as you’ve defined it, and of course the Horn of Africa.

And when you look at a region that’s that diverse, but at the same time has so many resources, and that’s not just oil and natural gas, but rather human resources, you seek or try to find some common theme around which we can all coalesce and agree that there is goodness in working together. And about the only one you can really come up with with any consistency is stability. So then, the key becomes to try to approach these very diverse nations with the common idea of how can we help stabilize those parts of the country that are causing not only problems for you, but in the case of some of the ungoverned spaces where these transnational threats tend to gravitate and then emanate out of. And of course, there are many places in the CENTCOM AOR where that is possible.

And so, security assistance, or as he describes it, as CENTCOM describes it, as building partner capability in support of common interest, is where Admiral Fallon sees his theater strategy building upon. So I think what I can bring to this group and this discussion today is not necessarily any more about the theory of security cooperation, but let me share some experiences with you on putting it into practice in various countries throughout the region.

The greatest challenge we have in establishing a common basis for security cooperation is actually agreeing on the threat. That’s true whether you are in Saudi Arabia or whether you’re in Iraq or whether you’re in Afghanistan and I could list the other 24 nations. One of the bullets on Tony’s [Dr. Anthony Cordesman] slide said that the war on terror does not lend itself necessarily to the, to a common identification of the threat. And that is absolutely true.

Inside Iraq, for example, as we discussed with Prime Minister Maliki’s government, and we discussed the threat of al Qaeda; we discussed the threat of insurgents; we discussed the criminal threat. We discussed the threat of the IRGC presence of Iran. You can be sure that those conversations that at times we find common ground, but at many other times, we do not. And that’s been true through the entire duration of our mission in Iraq and remains true today. Identifying the threat, agreeing upon the threat, and then agreeing what to do about it is the most difficult challenge of all in establishing a common base for security cooperation.

My experience in Saudi Arabia is that it is also true there. And of course, I was there – well, actually, I got there on the 18th of September, 2001. But it took several years – and Ambassador Jordan knows this – for the Saudi government, for the House of Saud, to come to grips with the fact that they had an internal problem as well as external threats.

Once they did come to that conclusion, by the way, they’ve acted very aggressively and very cooperatively to address that problem. But it took time to bring them to that point. Prior to that point, when I would approach them about building light armored vehicle units or a quick reaction capability, or whatever it was – there was a menu of things we discussed – we would always get into a discussion about the threat. And you can imagine prior to 2001, their definition of the threat emanated principally from the possibility that Israel would become expansionist or try to influence them in some way. And so, we didn’t see it that way clearly, and we constantly had to shape and merge and find common ground even with our allies, the Saudis.

We managed to do it. But make no mistake about it that some of those procurements that you’re talking about that from our perspective were absolutely a waste of time, from their perspective were very much in their national interest. So there is that challenge of identifying a common threat.

Secondly, we tend naturally to mirror image those militaries and now police forces. I’m glad to hear you mention that we have to be more inclusive of all security forces, not just military forces. We tend to mirror image those other nations with whom we deal and expect of them similar agility, flexibility, deployability than we expect of ourselves.

We learned that lesson in Iraq, you may remember, the first time we tried to move a battalion from one part of Iraq to the other. And when it failed to move, of course, it was reported initially as just the complete mutiny on the part of the Iraqi army. It was actually anything but that. It was they’d never been trained to do that. They’d never done it in their history. There was no training plan to prepare them; no monetary incentive to incentivize them; no end date for their deployment. I mean, we actually, in retrospect, gave them conditions that I don’t think we would have been able to accomplish. And so, the risk of mirror imaging is a real one.

When we built the authorization for leaders in the Iraqi army, we built it at about the same ratio that we expect a leader-to-led ratio in our army. That made sense at the time until we realized quickly two things. One, we couldn’t possibly fill it to that ratio, because those leaders were just simply not available. And secondly, that’s not the tradition out of which they came. The Iraqi army never in its history delegated authority to the point where it might need 250 leaders in a battalion of 800 as we delegate authority.

We delegate authority to a sergeant that would absolutely cause a normal human being to crumble under the weight of the responsibility. That’s not necessarily what our counterparts do. And so, where we find ourselves today is we’ll often report that the Iraqi army is not ready because it doesn’t have enough leaders.

Well, my contention is, yes it does, because it has enough leaders to run the military the way they will run it. And over time, they will begin to – they would like to emulate us, by the way, which is a very positive thing. But it’s going to take time to do that. And in the interim, it doesn’t mean they’re incapable or it doesn’t mean they’re in any way dragging their feet. But we do mirror image in a way that I think can be problematic to our long-term development over there.

Third, I’ll call it the sustainability imperative. Shame on us if we build something that then the host nation can’t sustain. Now, in building these military capabilities around the region, we have to be careful with that, because, you know, we have a very robust economy and we have years of experience in sustaining that which we build, whether it’s infrastructure, whether it’s manpower, whether it’s equipment.

What we found is that the Iraqi army that we brought back in – and we did bring back large numbers of it – had come from a history where you essentially used a piece of equipment until it broke and then you received another one. Or, if you needed three police cars, for example, you might procure five, because you use the parts from the other two to make sure three will run. And I’m not mentioning that in any pejorative sense. That’s the way they did it.

And so, when they started to stand up on their feet, that’s the way they started to do it. Well, we were, of course, aghast. Remember the mirror imaging issue. We mirror imaged. How could that happen? That’s impossible. We must have preventive maintenance. We must have long supply chains of parts and warehouses filled with supplies. Well, maybe not. And so, what we’ve been trying to do as we adjust is determine what right looks like in their terms, not in ours.

But we continue to be aware of the fact that as we work with, for example, the Lebanese armed forces now or Pakistan’s military, although they may aspire to a certain piece of equipment, if it’s not sustainable, if they can’t absorb it with their budgetary resources, then we have a choice. And the choice is we will continue to sustain it in perpetuity potentially, or we will provide for them that which they can afford to sustain over time.

The third one or the fourth one, I should say, is balancing the ability of our host nations, our counterparts, to absorb what we’re providing, and not maintain control of it so long that they become dependent. Again, that’s not pejorative. It’s human nature to suggest that if you will continue to do the job for someone, they’d be foolish not to allow you to do so. I think there is a parenting analogy here somewhere, and I’m not sure I got that right either as I raised my own children.

But the point is, as we help these countries build their militaries, there has to be a constant thought at transitioning it; that’s obvious. And there’s a delicate balance. It’s a complex balance between their ability to absorb what we’re providing or helping them provide and then not waiting so long that they become dependent on the assistance. And that’s exactly what General Petraeus and others are trying to balance in Iraq right now, as I did for the last three years.

And finally, the thing that doesn’t get much attention, but we have to be aware of is, what I would describe as the potential for an erosion of trust. If you take all of the things I’ve mentioned previous to this – the mirror imaging challenge, the imperative of sustainability, the balance of absorb and depend – and then you put into position a young soldier, airman, sailor, or Marine who is on his fourth or fifth rotation into Iraq, and he may not perceive the kind of progress that he thinks he should see at this point in the mission, that generates the potential for an erosion of trust, because that young man and even some very senior men and women will begin to believe that our counterparts are just not trying hard enough. And when that happens, and trust erodes, then we’re on the path to some genuine problems down the road.

And this is not unique to the Iraq experience, the Afghanistan experience. I think it is one of the factors we should always remember as we conduct security cooperation and then make it a point that we identify a potential problem for an erosion of trust and either consciously allow that trust to erode or stop the slide, because we have to be very careful of that.

Okay, let me break for a second there on that part and talk briefly about the mechanics of security cooperation, because there are some things that we do inside of our government that do not make it as easy to execute these programs as they should be. One of them is we have stove-piped authorities. There’s money available for police, for army, for special forces, for counterterror, and probably three or four other categories. They’re all stove-piped; very difficult for one person to access them all; done that way, I’m sure, for a purpose. That purpose should be revisited, in my view, in order to make the authorities available in a much more efficient way so that the person on the ground responsible for conducting these cooperative enterprises has access to the funding authorities he needs or she needs.

Secondly, this is no surprise. Most of those kind of funding authorities tend to be one-year money. Most of the things we try to do with security assistance are not one-year programs. They’re long-range programs. We’re in the process of trying to work with Iraq on a ten-year program. Very difficult for us to articulate to them how we intend to help with that if I can only be guaranteed of money a year at a time.

And finally, the foreign military sales process – and this is common knowledge; it’s been in the media that we’re dissatisfied with the pace at which it progresses. Notifications, delays, contracting requirements under the foreign acquisition regulations – all of those things need to be streamlined so that as we identify this common threat, identify what we’re going to do about it, that we can respond.

Many of these countries, as they approach foreign military sales, are not just coming to us to shop for a particular piece of equipment. It’s a program. It’s a long-range aspiration to end up with a military strategy. And so, they’re actually looking at us as their acquisition strategy broadly from boots to armored vehicles. And when they look at us as their acquisition strategy and we continue to look at the process as isolated sales, we then set expectations – or they set expectations – that we can’t meet. And that can become a problem, which leads to the other thing, which is the erosion of trust and we’re off to the races. So that’s kind of the mechanics of security cooperation.

It’s been my pleasure to be part of this board. And I look forward to the questions.

Transcript courtesy of the National Council on US-Arab Relations

About
Bio – LtGen Dempsey – Deputy Commander, US Central Command

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Arab-US Policymakers Conference – AUSPC 2007 – October 25-26, 2007 – Washington, DC – SUSRIS Special Section

Editor’s Note
The word “prolific” is defined as “fruitful; marked by abundant inventiveness or productivity” in most dictionaries but they fall short in describing the word properly by omission of Anthony Cordesman’s photo next to the entry. The Center for Strategic and International Studies Web site lists the following publications to his credit in just the last three weeks: “Iran’s Nuclear and Missile Programs: A Status Report,” “Iran, Israel and Nuclear War: An Illustrative Scenario Analysis,” “Lessons of the 2006 Israeli-Hezbollah War,” “Armed Nation Building: The Real Challenge in Afghanistan,” and “The Elements of Victory in Iraq.”

It was no surprise, then, to those in the Arab-US Policymakers Conference (AUSPC) audience who know of his work to hear some of his co-presenters poke fun at his prodigious production rate and use of PowerPoint slides. Besides his own “admission” in the opening of his presentation there was Lieutenant General Martin Dempsey’s reflection on being at the receive end of the CSIS pipeline, “I used to sit in Iraq, and about every 72 hours, I’d get [on my computer] ‘boink.’ And I’d get this thing that overwhelmed my system from CSIS. And Tony would say, ‘Hey, take a look at this for me, will you?’ Three hundred pages later, I’d write back. I can’t do it anymore; you’re killing me.”

However, as anyone on Dr. Cordesman’s distribution list will confirm, his publications are thorough analyses, usually accompanied by scores of tables, charts and background data. They are priceless resources for those whose trade is deciphering Middle East political-military affairs.

We are fortunate today to have Dr. Cordesman’s AUSPC presentation — Security Cooperation in the Middle East — to share with you — complete with a link to the PowerPoint slides!

SUSRIS will provide additional AUSPC panel transcripts in the coming days and you can access the audio files in the AUSPC 2007 Special Section on the Web site.

ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN: Good morning ladies and gentlemen. As General Nash mentioned, they have suddenly cut my presentation from six hours to 12 minutes. (Laughter.) And I am going to race through a set of slides. They will be on the web. But one of the key points here when we talk about security cooperation in the Middle East is, it is extraordinarily complex; it is extraordinarily diverse; it is not a matter of dealing with the region. It is a matter of dealing with subregions in countries. It is occurring at a time when we are making fundamental shifts away from a focus on conventional forces and conventional conflicts to issues like counterterrorism, counterinsurgency, and asymmetric warfare, where not only the United States, but its friends and allies, have to make major changes in the way they organize and plan their security forces.

And let me stress that one phrase; this is not a matter of cooperation anymore with armies, navies, and air forces. It is a matter of cooperation which must extend to the security services, to the groups which deal with counterterrorism. And it must include, at least at some level, elements of the police. Without that integration, you do not have forces training and equipping to deal with the reality of what they face. And there is no clear line between counterterrorism, counterinsurgency, asymmetric warfare, and conventional warfare. We all try to categorize that, we all try to find definitions which somehow separate them.

They have, in practice, neither a meaning in terms of probability or operations. And what I have listed in these three slides on the changing strategic environment is simply a listing of those factors. To this, I would add one other dimension. We face a level of ideological division and tension within Islam and the Arab world, which has to be reflected in the way we look at security cooperation. It acts out in terms of the risk of terrorism, insurgency, ideological struggles linked to force throughout the region.

It also acts out in terms of U.S. relations with states in the region. We have to be extraordinarily sensitive to what this really does in terms of the armies, security forces, and motivations in the region and their perceptions of the United States. And security cooperation is not something where we somehow take the initiative. To work, it has to be partnership, particularly in the areas of counterterrorism and counterinsurgency.

All of this, again, makes the point; we are no longer talking about conventional war. We are talking about a spectrum which can range from sabotage to the use of weapons of mass destruction. And security cooperation must anticipate that fact. We also face a world in which extremists have no constraints on the use of force. But steadily, the use of force in every aspect of security operations – counterinsurgency, counterterrorism, conventional warfare – has to be far more sensitive to civilian casualties and collateral damage than ever before.

We see this sensitivity in Iraq; we see it in Afghanistan. We would see it in any conflict in the Gulf, in North Africa, or in the Levant. One thing that I think is terribly easy to forget is what are some of the motives for security cooperation. One is the military strength and the level of resources our friends and allies in the Middle East offer us. This is not a relationship which somehow is the United States providing gifts to the Middle East. It is a relationship which has strong motives for partnership.

Now, I’ve divided this up in a somewhat unusual way. And I won’t walk you through all of these slides, but I do want to make the point; security cooperation is something that varies by country and region. There is basically no conventional threat. There is, as yet, no ongoing proliferation in North Africa. The problem, essentially, there is internal stability. It is to prevent feuding and pointless adventures across boundaries in the North African region. It is to limit the cost of military activity so that development and stability can be achieved as a substitute.

That second bar is Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon. We are essentially here talking about aid, military cooperation primarily as a means of securing peace, not as a means of preparing for war. We can argue whether this is desirable, but the fact is, the key priorities here are stability, maintaining and expanding the peace arrangements and again, helping with the issues of internal stability. Israel and Syria are a different story. There is the risk of war. I know that many people here may have their own criticisms of Israel and of U.S. support for Israel.

But I would make the point to all of you, consider, for a moment, what a weak Israel armed with nuclear weapons without U.S. support would be. Would this be more stabilizing? And consider, too, what you have seen about Syria over the last 10 days. I don’t think anyone today is going to argue; there was a serious effort to create a nuclear program and that program has now failed.

When we talk about the southern Gulf, we face a very different situation. We have strong southern-Gulf friends and allies. We have Iran with very large military forces, uncertainty in the future of Iraq and Yemen. There is the risk of a whole spectrum of conflicts directly involving the vital strategic interests of the United States. The issue is oil. No one should have any illusions about that. It is also political ties, historical ties. And those figures do become far more favorable when you look at anything other than manpower.

Our allies can bring, potentially immense military assets to the problem of securing this region if we can improve the quality of cooperation. That’s true of armor, of aircraft, but above all, look at the economic resources involved. The fact is, when you look at Syria, which to some extent at least is a question mark, Syria’s economic power is negligible compared to that of its neighbors. When you look at the southern Gulf relative to Iran, you get an idea – that is the tall bar there relative to the blue bar – of just how much we could draw on with the proper levels of cooperation. And when we look at military spending in the southern Gulf, it is approaching $40 billion a year and will exceed it in 2007. And Iran is expending at a level of less than $7 billion.

The question is, can you make cooperation effective? Can you really draw on this? Another basic figure here is arms deliverance. Look at, again, that tall bar. The southern Gulf has been importing over the last seven years – six years, sorry – some $60 billion worth of arms. Iran imported less than $2 billion. When you look at new arms agreements, and these do not yet reflect the impact of massive new oil revenues, we’re talking $35 billion for the southern Gulf States and about $3 billion for Iran.

These are figures it’s easy to forget when we talk only about politics and we only talk about strategy. But cooperation is not a matter of symbolism. These are not toys. We know all too well that these are forces that get used; they sometimes deter; they often defend. And here, let me just briefly take you quickly through the priorities. Almost all of the forces in this region still have a strong orientation for conventional warfighting on traditional terms: a lack of jointness, stovepipe operations, within the military, a lack of combined arms.

They need to change focus and they need to change content. Counterinsurgency, counterterrorism, for most countries, have a higher priority than conventional warfare. The days in which the number of major weapons platforms determine military capability are over. Most forces in the Middle East, with the exception of Israel and to a lesser degree, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, are still about a quarter of a century out of date and becoming obsolescent steadily over time.

Without new sensors, networks, new approaches to the problem of warfare and approaches which cut across service lines and cut across countries, nations are investing in obsolescence and incompetence. And there is a fundamental need for change where we can bring fast capabilities to the table that are really needed by our friends and allies. The same is true in each area of military capabilities – land, air, air particularly the conversion to new battle management systems, precision warfare, to helicopter mobility and the use of transportation for counterinsurgency.

Naval capabilities – these are areas where they need us. And frankly, we need them. Our countermine capabilities, our ability to develop and defend against low-level asymmetric threats in the Gulf, do not, in any sense, match the capabilities we have in virtually every other area of naval operations. Special forces need to change their missions. They need to cooperate far better with internal security forces. They need to be able to cooperate with police. They need to learn, too, the problems of limits, of better preservation of human rights, of avoiding an unnecessary political conflict, backlash, and tensions in the areas where they operate. We face the problem of proliferation. There is the challenge, what is the response going to be? Missile and air defense? Conventional deterrence? Extended deterrence by the United States? Proliferation by friends and allies in the region?

Can passive defense be a partial substitute for active defense and long-range strike systems? This is a critical issue which will play out over a decade or more. It is not going to go away. Even if we can somehow suppress the current Iranian efforts at proliferation on the nuclear level, advances in areas like biotechnology and other areas ensure you simply cannot put this genie back in the bottle. CBRN terrorism becomes a real possibility. One critical area that many countries have not addressed in this region is civil and passive defense.

Let me just give you one obvious set of targets. In the southern Gulf, the dependence on desalination facilities has created a level of vulnerability which has created a whole new target complex far more important to the peoples involved than oil facilities are to them as distinguished from us. When you look at the level of passive defense and security measures on commercial satellite photographs, unfortunately, many of these are cookie-cutter operations which become remarkably vulnerable and targetable because they are so predictable and repetitive.

As yet, the threats have not focused on this. They will. A point here – the United States is having its own struggles between each military service, for resources, as to who gets sensor assets, netcentric capabilities, and battle-management assets. But one of the key lessons of both Afghanistan and Iraq is, for the Australian, Britain, and the United States – we cannot operate with each other unless we have common netting, common information systems, integrated, secure communications, and forces trained to use them.

One great question for the Gulf region, for our allies and friends in this region is, can we create similar systems that allow us to cooperate with them which they will feel preserve their national sovereignty and security and which allow us to operate without a fear of compromise of the system. This is an issue which we have to address in the future. It has not yet been addressed and it is also, frankly, one of the continuing failures of the Arab world.

There has been a great deal of expensive nonsense purchased in areas like the gulf. It serves almost no functional military purpose. It will not support the cause of warfighting. It represents one of the greatest single failures of the Gulf Cooperation Council, and it is an area where fundamental change is required. Throwing money down a rathole in these areas is the current way in which every Gulf country approaches cooperation with other Gulf countries and most approach cooperation between their own services.

This is not the way of the future and it is not the model for cooperation. I won’t walk you through these slides, but I do want to make one last point. People talk a great deal about international cooperation. I read all the time conceptual discussions of new security structures and new ways to bring countries in the region together. There is a natural limit to intellectual rubbish.

This kind of vacuous nonsense has been going on for a quarter of a century. It has produced precisely no benefits and it borders on the edge of surrealism. A, if there is to be better cooperation between countries, it cannot be a matter of slogans; it has to be measurable capability in terms of clear forced plans, real exercises, and proven capabilities. If that is to happen, it has not really begun yet except at a very limited level.

But we are dealing here particularly with the problems of counterterrorism and counterinsurgency. And here, let me say something about security cooperation. I have been through one conference after another on cooperation in counterterrorism. I have been in these conferences in the Gulf. I have been at them in the Middle East. I have been at them in NATO. The reality is that virtually all meaningful cooperation in counterterrorism is bilateral. When it happens, it is the United States, working with an individual Arab or regional government. That is not going to change, not in the critical areas of intelligence, not in the sensitive areas of political compromise, discussions of who is a terrorist, in dealing with the problems of counterterrorism.

Sometimes, we can work with our British allies. Sometimes, we can work with our French allies. But this is something that we need to be honest about. It may be possible to have broader cooperation in conventional forces, but at least in the near term, if there is to be major improvements in counterterrorism capabilities in some aspects of counterinsurgency, in the real world, it will be U.S. cooperation with individual countries and talk about broad, strategic concepts and regional cooperation, however noble, has no functional purpose. Ladies and gentlemen, thank you.

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BY ANTHONY CORDESMAN

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“Saudi Arabia: Friend or Foe in the War on Terror” – Testimony of Anthony Cordesman Before the US Senate Judiciary Committee – SUSRIS IOI – Nov 9, 2005

Saudi Arabia and the Struggle Against Terrorism – Anthony Cordesman – SUSRIS IOI – Apr 11, 2005

Beyond Anger and Counterterrorism: A New Grand Strategy for U.S. and Arab Relations – Anthony Cordesman – SUSRIS IOI – Sep 25, 2004

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Editor’s Note:

Regular readers here have long benefited from Ambassador Chas Freeman’s discussions [below] of developments in the Middle East, U.S. foreign policy in the region and America’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, all of which he has generously shared with SUSRIS. Ambassador Freeman, President of the Middle East Policy Council, former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs and former US Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, recently visited the Middle East and wrote about his latest experiences and insights in private correspondence. These reflections on America’s standing, challenges in the region and eroded relationships were subsequently quoted on a blog. As his views are of significant value to SUSRIS readers his “Impressions of Arabia,” already in the public domain, is provided here for your consideration.

Impressions of Arabia, Autumn 2007
Chas W. Freeman, Jr.

Two weeks in Egypt and the Arabian Peninsula left me impressed by the extent to which Arab estrangement from the United States and Americans appears to be settling into a new phase: resignation and lowered expectations. The mood among Arab elites since 9/11 has progressed from shock at the event, through distress at rejection by their former American friends, through desultory efforts to test the possibility of renewed friendship, into fatalistic acceptance that the mutual confidence and regard that have been lost will not be restored.

Interest in placating American views or in cooperating with the United States on regional or global issues has been succeeded by passive-aggressive indifference and obstructionism, barely concealed by the exquisitely agreeable manners that are the hallmark of Arab political culture.

Arab leaders are increasingly pursuing foreign policy agendas that bypass the United States or dissociate themselves from us. Similarly, while they are engaged in far-reaching domestic reforms with major potential to reshape their societies over time, they are doing so increasingly without reference to the United States or the American models of modernity that once inspired them.

For much of the two weeks I was immersed in dialog about how to overcome the sullen suspicion with which Americans and Arabs now view each other. Sadly, by contrast with six months ago, this time I found little, if any, willingness on the part of Arab interlocutors to make a serious effort to reforge close ties with the United States. One by one, those in the private sector who had been enlisted by their governments to do so have given up. In some instances, this reflects insulting treatment by U.S. immigration and law enforcement officials, who accurately communicate popular hostility and suspicion of Muslims in general and Arabs in particular. They thereby discourage both from continuing their so-far unrewarding attempts to reach out to Americans. In others, it reflects mounting despondency born of simple frustration. Both optimism and courage are needed to persist at the difficult and unpromising task of reforging Arab political, economic, and cultural ties with the United States. Most Arabs now see no reason to be anything but despairing about U.S. policies toward their region. They have no expectation that the 2008 elections will bring anything but more of the same. Speaking well of Americans to Arabs now draws the same disapproving reaction that speaking well of Arabs to Americans does. Anything other than disapproval invites imputations of unpatriotic, even immoral, coddling of sinister foreign foes.

Frustrated by their inability to turn around post 9/11 relations with the United States or to dissuade us from pursuing policies inimical to their interests, Arab governments have turned their attention elsewhere. Egypt is obsessed with its internal affairs, which are dominated by a continuing struggle between secular autocracy and a strengthening Islamist democratic movement with close ideological ties to Hamas, a domestic platform of clean government and a foreign policy plank promising rejection of Camp David’s acceptance of Israel. While the Egyptian government has sunk into domestic impasse and a sort of senile repose in foreign policy, Saudi Arabia is unprecedentedly active in the region and beyond it. Sometimes it is supportive (as in Iraq and Lebanon) and sometimes at cross purposes (as in Palestine and Syria) with the United States. Meanwhile it is in the midst of domestic reforms that are little short of revolutionary in their implications. Riyadh, like the smaller Gulf Arab states, is obsessed with countering the Iranian reach for hegemony that U.S. policies have facilitated and very apprehensive about future American policies and actions in the region.

To one degree or another, all of the Arabs are reaching out to new diplomatic partners in China, India, Russia, and strengthening longstanding ties with European partners like the UK and France, in part to reduce their dependency on America. Ironically, of course, the avalanche of profits from high oil prices has boosted Arab economies and their investment capacity to levels that Wall Street cannot ignore. As the Arabs seek to distance themselves from us, American financiers have resumed their active pursuit of Arab wealth.

With Baghdad flattened, Cairo immobilized, Damascus sidelined, and the oil wealth pouring in, Riyadh has become the center of the Arab diplomatic world. Hardly a day passes without the arrival in Saudi Arabia of at least one chief of state or government who must be greeted by King Abdullah. The 85-year-old Saudi monarch handles this task with grace and dignity. However, his focus is elsewhere, on using the limited time available to him to rectify past developmental errors in his kingdom and to revitalize its culture and that of Islam. In this context, the resurgence of Iranian political influence in the region and Iran’s apparent drive for a nuclear deterrent against American or Israeli attack are unwelcome but pressing distractions.

Saudi Arabia’s politico-economic intervention in Iraq has helped divide conservative Sunni tribesmen from Al-Qaeda, slow the flow of Saudi youth to the fight, and gain the Kingdom some bargaining chips in Iraqi politics and in a putative future disengagement deal with Iran. However, few expect renewed stability in Iraq and fewer still see the United States as likely to contribute to its achievement. Saudi officials resent American and Israeli policies that have undercut their efforts to broker the establishment of a Palestinian government willing and able to make peace with Israel by splitting the internal wing of Hamas from the hardline ideologues in Damascus. Nor, though they have their own problems with Damascus, do they admire the inflexibility of American diplomacy toward it.

King Abdullah and his advisers have not fallen for renewed American hints that we might now actually be willing to do something to induce Israel to negotiate a settlement of differences with the Palestinians that most could accept and that therefore could be endorsed by all Arabs. Having seen the peace process become a means of evading rather than pursuing the exchange of land for peace, no Arab now sees any merit in anything but establishing a firm border and hammering out an actual deal between Israel and the Palestinians. Since the political conditions for closure of a deal do not exist on either the Israeli or the Palestinian side, the Annapolis meeting is shaping up as a huge year-end diplomatic embarrassment for the United States.

Meanwhile, there is a disturbing tendency by Americans and Arabs to hear what we want to hear when we discuss the challenges posed by Iran. Arab politesse then assures that mistaken impressions linger without correction. An example is our tendency to interpret Saudi pleas that something urgently be done to counter Iran and its nuclear weapons program as endorsement of a U.S. military attack on the Islamic Republic. Some Saudi aficionados of air power may indeed wish for this but they are a distinct minority. In urging action to counter Tehran, most are simply expressing nostalgia for a past in which they routinely looked to the United States as patron-protector to come up with some way of solving problems without demanding anything of them except, perhaps, some of their money. But the U.S. now seems to have no ideas, only bombers.

About Amb. Freeman

Ambassador Chas. W. Freeman, Jr. succeeded Senator George McGovern as President of the Middle East Policy Council on December 1, 1997. Ambassador Freeman was Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs from 1993-94, earning the highest public service awards of the Department of Defense for his roles in designing a NATO-centered post-Cold War European security system and in reestablishing defense and military relations with China. He served as U. S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia (during operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm).

Ambassador Freeman Bio

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The GCC and the Management of Policy Consequences – Chas W Freeman, Jr. – SUSRIS IOI – Nov. 3, 2006

“American-GCC Relations: An Assessment of Reforms, Elections, Challenges and the Prospects for Regional Peace and Stability” – Chas W. Freeman, Jr., Arab-US Policymakers Conference – Oct. 31, 2006 [Audio/Text]

Building Understanding: The Role of the MEPC – A Conversation with Chas W. Freeman, Jr. – SUSRIS Interview – Sep 20, 2006

Strengthening the Relationship: Whose Job? A Conversation with Chas W. Freeman, Jr. – SUSRIS Interview – Aug 14, 2006

The Arabs Take a Chinese Wife: Sino-Arab Relations in the Decade to Come – Chas W. Freeman, Jr.- SUSRIS IOI – Jun 1, 2006

How Can the U.S. Re-Open for Business to the Arab World? – MEPC Capitol Hill Forum – Part 1 – Ambassador Chas Freeman – SUSRIS IOI – Apr 14, 2006

Defining Interests and a Changing Relationship – Ambassador Chas Freeman Interview – Part I – SUSRIS Interview Series – Oct. 29, 2004

U.S.-Saudi Relations: The Path Ahead – Ambassador Chas Freeman Interview – Part II – SUSRIS Interview Series – Oct. 30, 2004

The Way Forward: A Diplomat’s Perspective – Remarks by Ambassador Chas W. Freeman, Jr. – 13th Arab-U.S. Policymakers Conference -Washington, DC – September 13, 2004

Editor’s Note:

Saudi Arabian Crown Prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz has wrapped up a three-day visit to Russia that highlighted the growing cooperation between Moscow and Riyadh. The visit follows a historic trip by President Vladimir Putin to Saudi Arabia earlier this year, the first official visit of a Russian leader to the Kingdom. The developments in the Russian-Saudi relationship reflect Moscow’s more muscular foreign policy according to Dr. Marat Terterov of the Gulf Research Center as well as wariness among Gulf states over U.S. foreign policy in the region. Terterov, writing this week in Arab News — in an article provided in a separate SUSRIS IOI — argued that:

“Saudi Arabia and the rest of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states remain firm allies of the US, they are nevertheless concerned — even alarmed — by the manner in which Washington is imposing its uni-polar foreign policy will in the Gulf and the heightening of security concerns that many in the regional believe stems directly from this. As a result, Russia, now flush with petro-dollars and seeking to rival US foreign policy initiatives where possible, is returning to some of the strategic regions of the world where Soviet influence was once extensive. This, in turn opens new opportunities also for the GCC states to assess the status of their strategic relations with Moscow and to see where both sides can come together in agreement.”

Today we provide for your consideration an article on Crown Prince Sultan’s Moscow visit and, in a separate item, Dr. Terterov’s essay on GCC-Russian relations.

Kingdom, Russia to Work Together for Middle East Peace
Arab News

MOSCOW, 24 November 2007 — Saudi Arabia and Russia, the world’s largest oil producers and exporters, yesterday agreed to make joint efforts to achieve peace and stability in the Middle East as well as to expand their cooperation in the energy sector.

In a joint communiqué issued at the conclusion of Crown Prince Sultan’s three-day official visit to Moscow, the two countries called for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state and enhancing facilities to provide assistance to the Palestinians.

“Finding a just and comprehensive solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict on the basis of international resolutions is essential to bring about stability in the region and promote world peace and security,” the Saudi Press Agency said quoting the communiqué.

Saudi Arabia praised Russia for its efforts to achieve a Middle East peace settlement. The communiqué hoped that the international peace conference in Annapolis on Nov. 27 would tackle core issues of the Arab-Israeli conflict in order to achieve a just and comprehensive peace in all tracks within a timeframe.

Prince Sultan held talks with President Vladimir Putin at the Kremlin yesterday and emphasized the importance of strengthening Saudi-Russian relations in all areas and enhancing coordination to protect mutual interests. Sultan highlighted the distinguished relations between the two countries. He also commended Russia’s positive stance toward regional and international issues.

The talks were attended by State Minister Dr. Musaed Al-Aiban, Finance Minister Dr. Ibrahim Al-Assaf and Russian Foreign Minister Sergi Lavrov. Putin later hosted a luncheon in honor of the crown prince and his delegation.

Earlier, Lavrov described Sultan’s meeting with Putin as the “main point” of his visit to Moscow, which he said would focus on implementing agreements penned when Putin went to Riyadh.

“Both sides are satisfied,” Lavrov said, adding that Russia-Saudi ties had entered a phase of “intense development.”

According to diplomatic sources in Riyadh, the two countries were to reach a “framework agreement for military cooperation” that would open the way for Saudi Arabia to buy Russian arms.

Speaking earlier this year after Putin’s visit to Riyadh, Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal said that the Kingdom was in talks with Russia over the possible purchase of Russian weapons. But the final communiqué issued after Sultan’s visit did not mention anything about an arms deal.

The source, who requested anonymity, said Sultan’s talks with Putin would lead to an understanding on the sale of about 150 Russian T-90 battle tanks to the Kingdom. The source said tests were carried out on the T-90 in Saudi Arabia last year to determine the tank’s suitability for harsh desert conditions, and Russia is also looking to sell Mi-17 helicopters.

The joint communiqué emphasized the need for protecting Iraq’s independence and sovereignty and stopping interference in the war-torn country’s affairs. The two sides also said that the presidential elections in Lebanon must be held without foreign interference.

Saudi Arabia and Russia urged all countries in the Middle East, including Israel to join the nuclear nonproliferation treaty and keep the region free of the weapons of mass destruction. They also supported a diplomatic solution to Iran’s nuclear standoff with the West and urged Tehran to comply with UN resolutions 1696, 1737 and 1747 and cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

The two sides denounced all forms of terrorism and called for joint global efforts to fight terror. Moscow praised the proposal made by Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah to establish an international counterterrorism center.

Russia commended Saudi Arabia’s balanced petroleum policies, being a secure and dependable energy supplier. “The two sides emphasized their resolve to increase bilateral cooperation in the energy sector as well as in economic, commercial, cultural, scientific, technological and transport sectors,” the communiqué said.

On Thursday, while speaking to Arab ambassadors accredited to Russia, Sultan said Saudi Arabia would not differentiate between Russia and other countries such as the US, UK and France. “What concerns us the most is Arab interests before anything else,” he said and emphasized the importance of Arab unity.

He also spoke about the growing Saudi-Russian relations. “Russia is with us, supporting our causes, especially Palestine and Iraq,” he said.

Prince Sultan, who arrived here on Wednesday, received a honorary doctorate from Moscow State University of International Relations.

Addressing a ceremony at the university, Sultan said the Middle East was passing through a dangerous phase of conflicts. The situation demands that both the Kingdom and Russia double their efforts to settle the issues in a peaceful manner, he added.

Source: Arab News

Related Items:

A New Era for GCC-Russia Relations – Arab News – SUSRIS IOI – Nov 24, 2007

Crown Prince Sultan concludes visit to Russia – SaudiEmbassy.net

Russian President Putin’s Historic Visit Boosts Moscow-Riyadh Ties – SUSRIS IOI – Feb 12, 2007

Sovereignty of All Countries Must Be Respected: Sultan – Arab News

Russia Can Play Vital ME Role: Sultan – Arab News

Putin meets top Saudi official as Russia eyes arms sale – AFP

Russia-Gulf camaraderie – Abdulaziz Sager – Khaleej Times

Putin, Saudi king meet in landmark visit – Boston Globe

Putin Seeks Expanded Ties With Saudis on Arab Tour – NY Times

Strategic Accords Likely During Putin’s Visit Today – Arab News\

A New Era for GCC-Russia Relations
Dr. Marat Terterov, Gulf Research Center

DUBAI, 22 November 2007 — Russia’s Middle Eastern strategy appears to be going from strength to strength. While the US continues to be embroiled in the Iraqi insurgency, and the West’s standoff with Tehran over its alleged nuclear weapons program fuels tension across the Gulf, 2007 may go down as a landmark year for Moscow’s foreign policy making toward the region. Russian President Putin’s tour of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Jordan in February 2007 — the first such visit by a Russian or Soviet head of state — has already set the stage for Moscow to strongly consolidate on its already vastly improving relations with the Gulf states.

While Saudi Arabia and the rest of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states remain firm allies of the US, they are nevertheless concerned — even alarmed — by the manner in which Washington is imposing its uni-polar foreign policy will in the Gulf and the heightening of security concerns that many in the regional believe stems directly from this. As a result, Russia, now flush with petro-dollars and seeking to rival US foreign policy initiatives where possible, is returning to some of the strategic regions of the world where Soviet influence was once extensive. This, in turn opens new opportunities also for the GCC states to assess the status of their strategic relations with Moscow and to see where both sides can come together in agreement.

Given the lavish state welcome laid on for the Russian president and his high-level delegation in the GCC states last February, and the numerous agreements on enhancement of economic relations subsequently reached between Riyadh and Moscow, Arab sentiment increasingly reflects a mood where “despite Chechnya, despite what happened in Afghanistan, despite the Cold War and the decades of communism, the Russians are seen as friends of the Arabs.” It might be too soon to argue that GCC-Russian relations have indeed reached a complete breakthrough but if both sides explore the present opportunities, it could yet indicate the dawn of a new era.

With the official visit of Saudi Crown Prince Sultan Bin Abdulaziz to Moscow, which began [this week], Russian Middle East policy may be on the verge of one of its most pivotal successes in the post-Soviet era. Russia is one of the world’s leading armaments exporters and the Russian government’s arms exporting agency, RosOboronExport, has tried to break into the GCC arms market — one of the most lucrative in the world — since the early 1990s. However, with the exception of one major contract with the UAE in the 1990s, Moscow has found the GCC market a tough nut to crack. That is until now.

Saudi Arabia, traditionally the most loyal client of Western defense contractors, recently announced a multibillion-dollar purchase of Russian Mil Mi-17 medium multi-role and Mi-35 attack helicopters. Although the contract is yet to be confirmed by RosOboronExport, and while some analysts are skeptical of Russia’s ability to fulfill such an order, Riyadh’s estimated $2.2 billion order of up to 150 helicopters is expected to go through. This would be a major breakthrough for the Russian arms export industry, which, as already mentioned above, has been seeking to penetrate the lucrative GCC arms market for well over a decade.

Western defense industry sources, however, are already acknowledging that Russia’s rival suppliers, to whom Riyadh would usually turn in order to fulfill a defense contract of this magnitude (i.e., Sikorsky, Eurocopter and AgustaWestland), have confirmed that the Russian offer had been accepted. Thus, if one were to draw comparison with the Saudi-Russian inter-state agreements in the energy sector reached during the historic Moscow visit by the then Saudi Crown Price (now King) Abdullah in September 2003, we may be about to witness one of the most high-profile arms deal since the Al-Yamamah British-Saudi deals of the 1980s. This is because Riyadh, which has already expressed an interest in placing an order for Russian T-90 tanks earlier in the year, is sending a signal to the West that Russia is a potential welcome partner in the regional security environment in the Gulf.

For its part, Moscow has shown particularly strong support for the more active brand of Saudi foreign policy initiatives throughout 2007, such as the peacemaking efforts of Saudi King Abdullah between the Palestinian factions Fatah and Hamas — which resulted in the so-called Makkah Agreements last February. In fact, former Russian foreign minister and now secretary of the security council, Igor Ivanov, has even expressed the hope that it would be possible to use the same pattern (as in the Makkah Agreements) for the settlement of other regional conflicts within countries such as those in Iraq and Lebanon. It is quite likely that this week’s visit of the Crown Prince Sultan to Moscow is an acknowledgement of Russia’s supportive foreign policy overtures towards the Kingdom during the course of the present year, which continues to underpin consolidating ties between these non-traditional allies.

One key issue that is bound to be discussed during the visit is how Saudi Arabia and Russian can cooperate in dealing with the Iranian nuclear issue. The crown prince will most certainly be looking for strong Russian support and a commitment to increase the pressure on Tehran to take an increasingly accommodative stance with the international community. Both sides share the deep concern about the wide-ranging consequences that would be felt were matters to end in a military confrontation. But from a GCC perspective, it is necessary to further impress upon the Iranian leadership the seriousness of the situation and the responsibility that Tehran bears for the overall security and stability of the Gulf. Moscow’s role in delivering that message is crucial and would certainly contribute to solidifying Russia’s strategic value for the GCC countries.

As it stands, Russian-GCC relations have witnessed a tremendous expansion in recent years. While trade volumes have reached record highs and collaboration in the energy sector has increased in scope, it is now time to also focus on the broader political and strategic aspects of mutual ties. In this context, 2007 could certainly prove to be a watershed year.

— Dr. Marat Terterov is the Program Manager for Gulf-Russia relations at the Gulf Research Center in Dubai.

Source: Arab News

Related Items:

Saudi-Russian Relations: Crown Prince Sultan’s Visit to Moscow – Arab News – SUSRIS IOI – Nov 24, 2007

Crown Prince Sultan concludes visit to Russia – SaudiEmbassy.net

Russian President Putin’s Historic Visit Boosts Moscow-Riyadh Ties – SUSRIS IOI – Feb 12, 2007

Sovereignty of All Countries Must Be Respected: Sultan – Arab News

Saudi-Russian Trade Relations Deepen – Arab News

Russia Can Play Vital ME Role: Sultan – Arab News

Putin meets top Saudi official as Russia eyes arms sale – AFP

Russia-Gulf camaraderie – Abdulaziz Sager – Khaleej Times

Putin, Saudi king meet in landmark visit – Boston Globe

Putin Seeks Expanded Ties With Saudis on Arab Tour – NY Times

Strategic Accords Likely During Putin’s Visit Today – Arab News

Arab Nations To Attend Peace Conference
Saudi Minister Announces He’ll Come To U.S.-Sponsored Middle East Event

(CBS/AP) Saudi Arabia and other Arab nations decided to attend next week’s U.S.-sponsored Middle East peace conference, but the Saudi foreign minister insisted he would not allow “theatrics” like handshakes with Israeli officials, saying the gathering must make serious progress.

Participation by Saudi Foreign Minister Saud al-Faisal was a key goal of the United States to show strong Arab support for the conference in Annapolis, Maryland, which is to re-launch Israeli-Palestinian peace talks for the first time in seven years.

Until Friday, the kingdom had balked at saying whether it would attend and at what level, seeking assurances Israel would negotiate the most difficult issues of the Arab-Israeli conflict in negotiations governed by a timetable.

[Complete report]

US State Department – Press Statement
Sean McCormack
Washington, DC
November 20, 2007

Announcement of Annapolis Conference

On November 27, the United States will host Israeli Prime Minister Olmert, Palestinian Authority President Abbas, along with the Members of the Quartet, the Members of the Arab League Follow-on Committee, the G-8, the permanent members of the UN Security Council, and other key international actors for a conference at the U.S. Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland. Secretary Rice will host a dinner the preceding evening here in Washington, where President Bush will deliver remarks. President Bush and the Israeli and Palestinian leaders will deliver speeches to open the formal conference in Annapolis.

The Annapolis Conference will signal broad international support for the Israeli and Palestinian leaders’ courageous efforts, and will be a launching point for negotiations leading to the establishment of a Palestinian state and the realization of Israeli-Palestinian peace.

Those invited to attend the conference are:

• United States
• Israel
• Palestinian Authority
• Algeria
• Arab League Secretary General
• Bahrain
• Brazil
• Canada
• China
• Egypt
• EU Commission
• EU High Rep
• EU Pres Portugal
• France
• Germany
• Greece
• India
• Indonesia
• Iraq
• Italy
• Japan
• Jordan
• Lebanon
• Malaysia
• Mauritania
• Morocco
• Norway
• Oman
• Pakistan
• Poland
• Qatar
• Russia
• Saudi Arabia
• Senegal
• Slovenia
• South Africa
• Spain
• Sudan
• Sweden
• Syria
• Quartet Special Envoy Tony Blair
• Tunisia
• Turkey
• United Arab Emirates
• United Kingdom
• UNSYG
• Yemen

Observers:

• IMF
• World Bank

Source: US State Dept.

Arab Nations To Attend Peace Conference
Saudi Minister Announces He’ll Come To U.S.-Sponsored Middle East Event

(CBS/AP) Saudi Arabia and other Arab nations decided to attend next week’s U.S.-sponsored Middle East peace conference, but the Saudi foreign minister insisted he would not allow “theatrics” like handshakes with Israeli officials, saying the gathering must make serious progress.

Participation by Saudi Foreign Minister Saud al-Faisal was a key goal of the United States to show strong Arab support for the conference in Annapolis, Maryland, which is to re-launch Israeli-Palestinian peace talks for the first time in seven years.

Until Friday, the kingdom had balked at saying whether it would attend and at what level, seeking assurances Israel would negotiate the most difficult issues of the Arab-Israeli conflict in negotiations governed by a timetable.

[Complete report]

US State Department – Press Statement
Sean McCormack
Washington, DC
November 20, 2007

Announcement of Annapolis Conference

On November 27, the United States will host Israeli Prime Minister Olmert, Palestinian Authority President Abbas, along with the Members of the Quartet, the Members of the Arab League Follow-on Committee, the G-8, the permanent members of the UN Security Council, and other key international actors for a conference at the U.S. Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland. Secretary Rice will host a dinner the preceding evening here in Washington, where President Bush will deliver remarks. President Bush and the Israeli and Palestinian leaders will deliver speeches to open the formal conference in Annapolis.

The Annapolis Conference will signal broad international support for the Israeli and Palestinian leaders’ courageous efforts, and will be a launching point for negotiations leading to the establishment of a Palestinian state and the realization of Israeli-Palestinian peace.

Those invited to attend the conference are:

United States
Israel
Palestinian Authority
Algeria
Arab League Secretary General
Bahrain
Brazil
Canada
China
Egypt
EU Commission
EU High Rep
EU Pres Portugal
France
Germany
Greece
India
Indonesia Iraq
Italy
Japan
Jordan
Lebanon
Malaysia
Mauritania
Morocco
Norway
Oman
Pakistan
Poland
Qatar
Russia
Saudi Arabia
Senegal
Slovenia
South Africa Spain
Sudan
Sweden
Syria
Quartet Special Envoy Tony Blair
Tunisia
Turkey
United Arab Emirates
United Kingdom
UNSYG
Yemen

Observers:
IMF
World Bank
Source: US State Dept.

Related Items:

Annapolis Peace Conference – SUSRIS Special Section

Editor’s Note:

In late July the outlines of a significant collection of weapons packages to US allies in the Middle East began to take shape. The deals included a $20 billion sale to Saudi Arabia and other GCC nations. Shortly after the State Department announced the Administration’s commitment to support their defense needs Doctor Anthony Cordesman addressed the subject in a New York Times op-ed.

“In an ideal world, arms sales are hardly the tool the United States would use to win stability and influence. America does not, however, exist in an ideal world, nor in one that it can suddenly reform with good intentions and soft power. Those pressuring Congress to kill the Bush administration’s proposed $20 billion arms deal with Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf states need to step back into the real world.”

We were pleased to have an opportunity to talk with Doctor Cordesman at the recent Arab-US Policymakers Conference in Washington. You may already have listened to his presentation — the audio files were posted shortly after the proceedings and transcripts are forthcoming — from the “Defense Cooperation” panel. In this brief interview he summarized the purposes, timing and political consequences of the arms deal.

Dr. Anthony H. Cordesman holds the Arleigh Burke Chair in Strategy at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and is Co-Director of the Center’s Middle East Program.

Saudi Military Modernization
A Conversation with Anthony Cordesman

SUSRIS: Thanks for taking time to talk with us about the proposed U.S. arms sales to countries in the Middle East, including Saudi Arabia. What are Washington’s aims regarding the Saudi Arabian piece?

Cordesman: The United States has to operate in the Gulf with Saudi Arabia in terms of airspace, force levels, and the capability to project air power — the need for over flight, basing support. If there is any serious confrontation with Iran or any other power, U.S. and Saudi cooperation is absolutely critical.

That cooperation is dependent on two things: first, the relationship at the military level between the United States and Saudi Arabia; and second, Saudi Arabia’s capability to operate with U.S. forces with the most modern and the most effective equipment for the mission.

Saudi Arabia has long been involved in a process of military modernization. It has tried to develop a qualitative edge that could deter any attack from its northern Gulf neighbors. During the period when oil revenues and export earnings were low, the late 1990’s, Saudi Arabia’s modernization fell behind. It’s now seeking to catch up. If it does catch up it’s going to be far better for both Saudi Arabia and the United States if it catches up with US arms. These are the arms which allow the US and Saudi Arabia to cooperate. They provide the widest area coverage. They provide the greatest mix of contingency capability.

SUSRIS: Talk about the timing of this arms deal.

Cordesman: The timing of this is not pegged to one incident or one moment in time. There obviously is a new emphasis in the southern Gulf on military modernization, on developing capabilities that can deter and contain Iran.

Saudi Arabia is only one of the countries making major arms purchases and that is involved in the process of modernization. It is also important to point out that this is not something where you have a major purchase and all of a sudden arms appear in Saudi Arabia. These figures are for a purchase plan that would extend over ten years. Deliveries take years. Once deliveries take place, forces have to convert, train, and develop the maintenance systems to use this equipment effectively. So what we are talking about is modernization over a decade.

It is in many ways an effort to keep Saudi Arabia capable of providing deterrence and containment and being interoperable with the United States over time, not to make some sudden change in the Gulf military balance.

SUSRIS: Arms sales to the Middle East can be contentious domestic political issues. What reaction should we expect to see in Washington, in Congress, especially in the politicized atmosphere of an election year?

Cordesman: Well there will be a great deal of political posturing. There often is and it doesn’t necessarily matter who or what the arms sale is about. Politics affects sales to Taiwan and to South Korea not just to the Arab world or the Middle East. But it is important to note this is part of an integrated package. There will be an upgrade to Israel, increased arms deliveries there. There is a package to Egypt. This is not going to be destabilizing in terms of the regional military balance, and it isn’t going to favor Saudi Arabia, Israel or Egypt over the others.

Whether or not the Congress reacts to these facts as distinguished from posturing to constituencies is, frankly, a question. There is a great deal of political opportunism in most of these debates and really almost no focus on the substance. What’s the strategic interest? What’s the impact on the regional balance? Do we really run any meaningful risk?

Unfortunately if we look at past debates there has been a great deal of sound and fury and very little intellectual content.

SUSRIS: Thank you Doctor Cordesman for your perspective on these important questions.

Related Info:

Anthony Cordesman – Defense Cooperation – SUSRIS Special Section – Arab-US Policymakers Conference 2007 (Audio)

Arab-US Policymakers Conference – AUSPC 2007 – October 25-26, 2007 – Washington, DC – SUSRIS Special Section (Audio)

US Secretaries Rice and Gates Visit Egypt and Saudi Arabia for Diplomatic Meetings – July-August 2007 – SUSRIS Articles, Interviews, Photos, and Special Reports

The Future of the Middle East: Strategic Implications for the United States – Freeman – SUSRIS IOI – Jul 21, 2007

Secretary Rice, Secretary Gates, Foreign Minister Prince Saud Press Conference – SUSRIS IOI – Aug 1, 2007

Saudi Arabia Pledges to Support Iraq, Promote Regional Stability – SUSRIS IOI – Aug 1, 2007

Saudis Begin Talks on Opening Embassy in Iraq – Washington Post – Aug 1, 2007

Saudi Arabia Supports Proposed Mideast Peace Conference – RFE – Aug 1, 2007

Saudis considering formal ties to Iraq – IHT – Aug 1, 2007

Feasting With the Fishes – Washington Post – Aug 1, 2007

Rice, Gates Discuss Iraq with Saudi Leadership – VOA – Jul 31, 2007

Rice, Gates Press for Arab Support on Iraq – Washington Post – Jul 31, 2007

Rice, Gates Travel to the Middle East – Press Briefing – SUSRIS IOI – Jul 31, 2007

Rice, Gates in Egypt to persuade Arabs – Washington Post – Jul 31, 2007

Rice, Gates, Hold Security Talks with Arab Allies – VOA – Jul 31, 2007

Press Briefing Conference Call on U.S. Aid and Military Support to the Middle East Region – R. Nicholas Burns, Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs – SUSRIS IOI – Jul 31, 2007

Arms Sales in Gulf Will Counter Terrorism, Rice Says – NPR – Jul 30, 2007

Rice, Gates Push for Mideast Assistance – Forbes – Jul 30, 2007

U.S. Assistance Agreements with Gulf States, Israel and Egypt – US Secretary of State – Condoleezza Rice – SUSRIS IOI – Jul 30, 2007

Iran attacks U.S. plans for Saudi arms deal – Reuters – Jul 30, 2007

Israel Backs U.S. Arms Sale to Saudis — Israel Agrees With the U.S.: Iran Threat Justifies Upgrading Saudi Military

Iran Criticizes U.S., Saudis Arms Deal – Washington Post/AP – July 30, 2007

US envoy accuses Saudis on Iraq – BBC – Jul 30, 2007

U.S. vs. Iran: Cold War, Too – Washington Post – Jul 29, 2007

Rice, Gates to meet Saudis, push for more Iraq support – USAToday – Jul 29, 2007

House Members Say They Will Try to Block Arms Sales to Saudis – Washington Post – Jul 29, 2007

Israeli PM announces 30 bln dollar US defence aid – Forbes – Jul 29, 2007

Rice, Gates Team to Lobby Arabs on Iraq

U.S. Plans New Arms Sales to Gulf Allies — $20 Billion Deal Includes Weapons For Saudi Arabia – Washington Post – Jul 28, 2007

Official: $20 billion arms sale to Saudis in the works – CNN – Jul 28, 2007

The US-Gulf Security Dialogue – Kenneth Katzman – ECSSR – Mar 22, 2007

Saudi Arabia and Congress: Understanding the Tension – David T. Dumke – SUSRIS IOI – Mar 15, 2006

BY ANTHONY CORDESMAN

Global Energy Security – Anthony H. Cordesman – SUSRIS IOI – Nov 15, 2006

Iran, Oil, and the Strait of Hormuz – Anthony H. Cordesman – Mar 27, 2007

The Changing Dynamics of Energy in the Middle East – Anthony H. Cordesman and Khalid R. Al-Rodhan – Dec 20, 2006

The Middle East Crisis: Six “Long Wars” and Counting – Anthony H. Cordesman – SUSRIS IOI – Aug 7, 2006

“Saudi Arabia: Friend or Foe in the War on Terror” – Testimony of Anthony Cordesman Before the US Senate Judiciary Committee – SUSRIS IOI – Nov 9, 2005

Saudi Arabia and the Struggle Against Terrorism – Anthony Cordesman – SUSRIS IOI – Apr 11, 2005

Beyond Anger and Counterterrorism: A New Grand Strategy for U.S. and Arab Relations – Anthony Cordesman – SUSRIS IOI – Sep 25, 2004

Keeping Cool about Jeddah – Anthony H. Cordesman – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 9, 2004

“The Prospects for Stability in 2004 — The Issue of Political, Economic and Social Reform,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, Saudi US Relations Information Service Item of Interest, Feb. 23, 2004

The 9/11 Commission Report: Strengths and Weaknesses,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, Saudi US Relations Information Service Item of Interest, Jul. 29, 2004

Iraq: What Is to Be Done? – Anthony H. Cordesman – GulfWire Perspectives – May 12, 2005

Developments in Iraq at the End of 2003: Adapting U.S. Policy to Stay the Course,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, January 7, 2004

“Four Wars and Counting: Rethinking the Strategic Meaning of the Iraq War,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, December 5, 2003

“Iraq: Too Uncertain to Call,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, November 18, 2003

“Saudi Redeployment of the F-15 to Tabuk,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, Saudi-US Relations Information Service Item of Interest, November 1, 2003

“Iranian Security Threats and US Policy: Finding the Proper Response,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, October 28, 2003

“What is Next in Iraq? Military Developments, Military Requirements and Armed Nation Building,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, August 22, 2003

“Saudi Government Counterterrorism – Counter Extremism Actions,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, Saudi-US Relations Information Service Item of Interest, August 4, 2003

“Saudi Arabia: Don’t Let Bin Laden Win!”, by Anthony H. Cordesman, Saudi-American Forum Item of Interest, May 16, 2003

“Postwar Iraq: The New Old Middle East,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, April 16, 2003

“Iraq’s Warfighting Strategy,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, March 11, 2003

“Reforming the Middle East: President Bush’s Neo-Con Logic Versus Regional Reality,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, February 27, 2003

“The Great Iraq Missile Mystery,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, February 26, 2003

“Iraq Security Roundtable at CSIS: A Discussion With Dr. Anthony Cordesman,” Center for Strategic and Future Studies, GulfWire Perspectives, January 28, 2003

“A Coalition of the Unwilling: Arms Control as an Extension of War By Other Means,” By Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, January 25, 2003

“Is Iraq In Material Breach? What Hans Blix, Colin Powell, And Jack Straw Actually Said,” By Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, December 20, 2002

“Saudi Arabia: Opposition, Islamic Extremism And Terrorism,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, December 1, 2002

“Planning For A Self-Inflicted Wound: U.S. Policy To Reshape A Post-Saddam Iraq,” by Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, November 24, 2002

“The West And The Arab World – Partnership Or A ‘Clash Of Civilizations?’” By Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, November 12, 2002

“Strategy In The Middle East: The Gap Between Strategic Theory And Operational Reality,” by Dr. Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, October 22, 2002

“A Firsthand Look At Saudi Arabia Since 9-11,” GulfWire’s Interview With Dr. Anthony Cordesman In Saudi Arabia, GulfWire Perspectives October 10, 2002

“Escalating To Nowhere: The Israeli And Palestinian Strategic Failure,” By Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, April 8, 2002

“Reforging The U.S. And Saudi Strategic Partnership,” by Dr. Anthony H. Cordesman, GulfWire Perspectives, January 28, 2002

A Slap in the Face of Justice
Lubna Hussain

It is a tale that is more reminiscent of the cruel callous punishments meted out to women in medieval times. And yet sadly it is a case that is making headlines in the 21st century.

For those of you who are not aware of the story, an 18-year-old girl from Qatif went to meet a man she had had a prior relationship with to reclaim photos that he threatened to blackmail her with. While they were standing outside a shopping mall, they were abducted at knifepoint. She was gang raped 14 times by seven men. The man accompanying her was also raped. In an extraordinary ruling, she was sentenced by the courts to 90 lashes for having been with a man who was not her male relative. When she appealed this verdict, expecting leniency under the extenuating circumstances, the court increased her sentence to 200 lashes and six months imprisonment. This increased sentence was delivered under the spurious pretext that the judiciary would not be “aggravated and influenced” through the media. Her lawyer has been suspended from the case, has had his license confiscated and is now being threatened with disciplinary action.

I will never forget reading about this case when it was first documented several months ago. I blinked hard in disbelief at the ridiculous contents of the article and the trite absurdity of the allegations. It was enough to offend the sensibilities of any reasonable minded human being and yet, it seemed at the time, that those who are in charge of our judicial system were totally devoid of any sense of justice. It is this peculiar irony that has subsequently subverted and distorted the outcome of a trial that will no doubt characterize the level of injustice that we can expect to be afforded through the courts.

Here is a young woman who has had to suffer the unimaginable ordeal of being brutally raped by seven men 14 times but nonetheless decided to take the remarkably brave step and approach the authorities expecting at the very least a fair trial and perhaps, albeit unrealistically, a degree of compassion.

Indeed, as has been shown by the insanity of the proceedings she would have been well advised to privately deal with the physical and psychological scars that this heinous act had incurred. Instead of being applauded for breaking social taboos and enduring the consequences of revisiting the trauma that she must have acutely suffered in bringing her case forward, she now stands in the same dock as her rapists accused of being complicit in perpetrating the crime. According to the courts, she should not have been with a man who was not her male guardian in the first place. The judges looked into their crystal ball and saw that she had “the intention of doing something bad” and this therefore constituted a very good reason for her to be gang raped. Always the woman’s fault, but of course!

How does any of this make sense when practically all women in the Kingdom rely on the services of a man who is not their guardian? We live day and night in the closest of proximity with our drivers who by no means can be classified as eunuchs, having been deprived of the company of their wives for up to two years. And yet such a close relationship is deemed OK by the very same men in power who can punish a rape victim for being out in public with an equally “strange” man only because he doesn’t happen to be employed by her. Even though the judgment in this case is shocking, it is hardly surprising when you analyze the twisted reasoning it is based upon.

To add grotesque insult to injury, the lawyer defending the victim is now perceived as being public enemy No. 1 because he is producing tangible evidence supported by Islamic precedents and principles to show how ridiculous and contrary to the faith the ruling is. Rather than accept their failings, and redress the situation by backing down after the second hearing requesting a reduction in the girl’s sentence, the courts have amply demonstrated that the process of appeal is tantamount to begging for a tougher punishment. It also extends a warning to lawyers not to defend victims of such heinous crimes lest they lose their right to practice at all.

So what is the wider message being delivered to us citizens who may, God forbid, find ourselves at the mercy of the justice system here? Stay at home and keep our mouths shut. And to the outside world? I will leave this to your imagination. Suffice it to say that no amount of money spent on PR is going to be able to whitewash the irreparable damage caused by grave injustices such as this.

Source: Arab News

Lubna Hussain, forlubna@hotmail.com

Related Items:

Rape Victim’s Lawyer Refuses to Give In – Ebtihal Mubarak, Arab News – SUSRIS IOI – Nov 19, 2007

Saudi woman punished after gang rape to fight ruling – AFP

Saudi: Why we punished rape victim – CNN International

Qatif Case Verdicts Get Ministry’s Backing – Arab News

Ruling Jolts Even Saudis: 200 Lashes for Rape Victim – New York Times

Saudis Defend Punishment for Rape Victim – Washington Post

Rape victim sentenced to 200 lashes and six months in jail – UK Guardian Unlimited

Rape Victim’s Lawyer Refuses to Give In
Ebtihal Mubarak, Arab News

JEDDAH, 19 November 2007 — The lawyer representing a Saudi rape victim in Qatif has criticized the second ruling issued by the Kingdom’s Higher Court of Justice doubling the woman’s punishment to 200 lashes and six months in jail, saying that the ruling “sums up the major problems that the Saudi judiciary faces.”

Abdul Rahman Al-Lahem, 36, also criticized the General Court in Qatif for confiscating his license to practice law. On Wednesday the Qatif General Court announced the Higher Court of Justice’s verdict. Al-Lahem had previously asked the Ministry of Justice and the Human Rights Commission to review the first ruling issued by the General Court in Qatif, which had ordered the rape victim be given 90 lashes.

“Basic Islamic law states that an appeal shall not harm the person appealing,” said Al-Lahem, adding that lodging an appeal is the right of anyone accused of a crime and something crucial for a just trial. “Once this rule is ignored, then people who appeal verdicts are only left terrorized. From now on people will be apprehensive to appeal fearing they might be punished or have their sentences doubled. That’s exactly what’s happened to the rape victim, who only wanted justice,” he said.

The lawyer said that the Higher Court claimed that the woman being with a non-related male in the first place was the reason behind her rape. According to Saudi law, non-related men and women are not permitted to meet in private, a concept known as “khalwa.”

“This does not make sense at all,” said the lawyer, referring to the Higher Court ruling. “The police investigation records clearly state that the girl was with a non-related male friend in a public place when they were both abducted and later raped. This no doubt clears the girl from accusations that she was in khalwa,” he said.

The victim had met her friend to receive some photos of her that he had taken from a relationship with her when she was 16. She contends that the man had initially threatened to distribute the pictures to shame her. “The picture was even given to the police after that. We were hoping that the Higher Court would take all that into consideration when issuing its verdict, but unfortunately none of that happened,” said Al-Lahem.

Speaking about the revocation of his law license, Al-Lahem said that when he entered the General Court in Qatif he was asked to leave by Judge Saad Al-Mohanna, who said, “Get it back (the license) from the Ministry of Justice in Riyadh.” He also added that Al-Lahem was “arguing with falsity.”

“I did not say anything at all. All that I said was Assalamu alaykum and that’s it. I have human rights activist Fawziya Al-Oyoni, the girl and her husband as my witnesses,” said Al-Lahem. Incidentally, Al-Oyoni was also asked to leave the courtroom.

“The Saudi judicial system states clearly that such cases have to take place in public. That only shows that the judges underestimate the Kingdom’s legislation, which is in place to protect the rights of citizens,” he said.

Al-Lahem said that he has never disobeyed court orders. He recalled that last Ramadan when the Qatif General Court received from the Higher Court of Justice the second verdict, Judge Al-Mohanna insisted the girl be present to hear the verdict herself, in spite of the presence of the girl’s seven attackers.

“I told Sheikh Saad Al-Mohanna that according to Saudi legislation lawyers have the right to represent their clients even if they are absent unless the case involves a major crime like murder. It’s obvious that this is not the case here. I told him I would never allow my client to attend any hearing while her rapists are there,” he said.

“She is a rape victim, she is still suffering. That’s totally inhumane. Plus the hearing was not to take more testimonies but was only meant to announce the new verdict,” said Al-Lahem, adding that the judge said that the legislation does not apply here and postponed the hearing.

Al-Lahem said denying him his right to practice law at this sensitive time is a denial of his client from the right of having a defense. “Asking me to appear in front of a disciplinary committee at the Ministry of Justice on Dec. 5 is a punishment for taking human rights cases against some institutions that over time have gained some sort of immunity from questioning,” said Al-Lahem, referring to a recent case lodged by him, on behalf of a Saudi woman, against the Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice.

He added that the law is clear that lawyers are not to be stopped from practicing without first being handed an official warning. “None of that happened,” he said.

“I’m still hopeful in Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah’s reforms that are taking place right now. We have to hope for a better future,” he said, adding that he is determined to submit a list of objections to the Cassation Court.

Qatif General Court declined to comment and said protocol demands that all press queries are handled by the Ministry of Justice in Riyadh, which is closed until Monday like all government offices due to the OPEC summit.

Source: Arab News

Related Items:

Saudi punishment of rape victim ‘reprehensible’: US official – AFP

U.S. offers mild criticism in Saudi rape case – Reuters

Saudi defends verdict against gang-rape victim – Reuters

Saudi court punishes rape victim – AlJazeera

Editor’s Note:

As we mentioned in the introduction to the last SUSRIS interview with Robert Jordan, he served the United States during a remarkable period in US-Saudi relations:

“As United States Ambassador to Saudi Arabia from October 2001 Jordan had responsibility as America’s top diplomat in the Kingdom in the immediate aftermath of 9/11. Ambassador Jordan arrived in Riyadh just as the bombing of Taliban and Al Qaeda targets in Afghanistan was beginning and coordination and cooperation between America and the Kingdom was essential in successful prosecution of the U.S. military’s “Operation Enduring Freedom.” He was thrust into an extremely sensitive post at a critical time in the history of both countries.

“There would be more challenges as US Ambassador — presenting America’s case to Saudi leaders that Arab-Israeli peace could only advance with someone other than Arafat representing the Palestinian position and that the US case was sound for overthrowing the President of Iraq. Ambassador Jordan pressed for Saudi accession to the World Trade Organization within the U.S. Government, which directly led to its completion after years of foot-dragging. He was the senior American official in the Kingdom when terrorists struck Western compounds in Riyadh in May 2003, resulting in 34 deaths, including 9 Americans. The stunning attack galvanized bilateral cooperation in the war on terror. In October 2003 he completed his posting and returned to Dallas to resume his work in the legal profession.”

We were fortunate to catch a few minutes with Ambassador Jordan on the sidelines of this year’s Arab-US Policymakers Conference in Washington. We want to again thank him for taking a few minutes to share his thoughts on the issues confronting US and Saudi policymakers, especially regional security issues.

[Ambassador Jordan was interviewed by SUSRIS at the Arab-US Policymakers Conference, Washington, DC on October 26, 2007.]

Recalibrating the Saudi-US Relationship
A Conversation with Robert Jordan

SUSRIS: Thank you, Ambassador Jordan, for taking time to share your perspective on US-Saudi relations. Lets start with regional security issues – no shortage of topics to discuss there: trouble in Lebanon, the Middle East Peace process, the potential for an American clash with Iran and the ongoing conflict in Iraq.

Jordan: Well I think the furious round of shuttle diplomacy we have seen King Abdullah engage in along with his Foreign Minister Prince Saud al Faisal would make Henry Kissinger proud. There has been more serious diplomatic efforts on so many of these fronts than I have seen in my recollection. I think the Saudis deserve tremendous credit for this.

The challenges are enormous. Clearly King Abdullah has a personal interest in Lebanon. I think he was personally outraged at the assassination of Rafik Hariri and it appears he holds the Syrians accountable for that. He is greatly concerned about the instability that continues to ravage that country and he has reached out to so many interests both in the region and beyond the region in a very intense attempt to bring some order to some of these problems.

His efforts behind the scene toward any meeting that might occur in Annapolis to work on Palestinian issues are not fully recognized yet. The Saudis as much as anyone want this to be more than a photo opportunity and if it is merely a public relations exercise I don’t think they will participate. We haven’t yet seen evidence that the groundwork has been laid properly for this conference and so the outcome still remains much in doubt.

As far as Iraq is concerned I think the Saudis recognize they have to play a role. They have in many ways recognized that they, and the rest of the Sunni Arab world, have increasing common interest with Israel, because they all now view Iran as a threat. To some, Iran is more of a threat than others. The Saudis have also reached out to the other GCC countries in an important way to be sure they are all on the same page in recognizing this threat as well.

Looking back a little further, King Abdullah has also visited Turkey. He has reached out to Turkey in a way that I think is quite productive. So we are seeing in many ways a diplomatic surge from Riyadh that is perhaps overdue but is certainly welcome.

SUSRIS: Do you think the collection of critical issues on the table shared by Washington and Riyadh is pushing the two countries closer together or is it more likely to be straining the relationship?

Jordan: There is probably a little bit of both but I think that the net is that it is moving the countries closer together. In the two or three years following 9-11 we went through a lot of difficulties recalibrating the relationship. I think a lot of those difficulties have now been resolved. We now have a strategic dialogue. We have regular meetings, not simply the Secretary of State-Foreign Minister level but also working groups at lower levels that are continuing to focus on the relationship.

It struck me during my time as Ambassador, that we would parachute in Cabinet Members, and Senators and others and ask the Saudis to help us do X, Y or Z, but we rarely focused on the relationship — and I made that sentiment known. I am pleased to see that there is now a conscious effort to actually focus on the relationship, what we expect of each other. That is very positive and I think we are seeing some evidence of that now.

SUSRIS: Riyadh has made it clear they don’t want military action as a way to resolve the nuclear program standoff with Iran while many in Washington seem to be posturing toward the use of force. Based on your experience in the region in the run-up to the Iraq war help us understand what would the dialogue between the two vis a vis Iran sound like at this point.

Jordan: Well, certainly there are some parallels. I suspect that, as in the Iraq case, we are looking to the Saudis to propose solutions short of a military result, if that’s what they are urging us to do. We are probably saying to them, “If you don’t want us to strike, then what alternatives do you suggest and how are you prepared to assist in those.”

We had similar conversations with them regarding Saddam Hussein and Iraq. They probably are engaging in back channel discussions. I know they know many of the Iranian senior governmental officials rather well and while they don’t get along on all that many issues there is a channel of communication there which I think is very important.

SUSRIS: A major arms deal was announced this summer for American allies in the Middle East, that reportedly included $20 billion in weapons sales to Saudi Arabia and other GCC countries. What are your thoughts on the timing of such a large arms sale and the outlook for Congressional debate, given the history of controversial arms sales deliberations especially in an election season?

Jordan: Deals like this obviously deserve scrutiny and Congress is entitled to exercise that scrutiny. But it would be very shortsighted of Congress to deny Saudi Arabia the capacity to defend itself, particularly in the midst of this gathering threat.

Clearly the Saudis are going to buy arms somewhere and if it’s not from the Untied States then it will be from some other source. I think it is to our advantage to maintain interoperability with them in weapon systems. It would also obviously involve the presence of advisors and trainers and others who will follow through on providing this equipment.

Lets also bear in mind that as Undersecretary [of State Nicholas] Burns said, this is a sale of defensive weapons, we are not arming the Saudis to go out and conquer the world. They need to be able to defend themselves. They have aging systems and this is a sale that will likely take place over a number of years. It’s time for them to have the modern systems that are appropriate to the changing nature of defensive warfare, and I see that’s where this is heading.

SUSRIS: Let’s talk about the business-to-business ties. After 9-11 the business community wasn’t very engaged with Saudi Arabia compared with the levels of opportunity for trade, investment and contracting. Do you see that changes have occurred in the last year or two?

Jordan: There are some slight positive changes I think in that regard. We are certainly seeing a lot of American business interests renewed in the Kingdom and in the Middle East in general. We are seeing an improved security situation in Saudi Arabia, which I think makes it more attractive to American investors, business people.

On the reverse side I don’t think we are seeing a sufficient flow of Saudi investment and business activity in the United States. The visa situation has greatly discouraged Saudi businessmen from seeking to come to the United States. We still only have one place in Saudi Arabia where you can go to apply for a visa. That’s inconvenient for a lot of them, so I think that’s going to take some time to resolve. I know down the line there is a plan to have more visa issuing stations at consulates at Saudi Arabia but that is several years off. I think the Saudis are going to want to feel more welcomed in the United States, be able to travel more easily, but that’s a long-term effort as well. But they have a lot of liquidity and a lot to offer in the area of investments and my hope is that the American business climate will be attractive to them.

SUSRIS: Do you have any final thoughts on the current relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States? What are the prospects for the near term?

Jordan: The US-Saudi relationship is the best it has been in seven or eight years. There is an increasing sense of mutuality of interests. We both want the same outcomes throughout the Middle East. We have varying views on how to get to those goals, but I think the end point is something we agree on. So I am pretty upbeat right now on where the relationship is at this stage.

About Robert Jordan

Robert Jordan was selected by President George W. Bush to serve as the United States Ambassador to Saudi Arabia at the most critical point in the history of the relationship between our two countries. After Senate confirmation, he served as ambassador from October 2001 through October 2003.

Mr. Jordan took charge of his Mission in the wake of the September 11 attacks that radically affected U.S.-Saudi relations. He worked closely with senior Saudi and American leaders to enlist Saudi support for removing the Taliban from Afghanistan, ending the regime of Saddam Hussein, and promoting the Middle East peace process. As ambassador, he worked closely with President Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powell in matters such as the historic presidential summit meetings in Crawford, Texas, and Sharm El Sheikh, Egypt.

Mr. Jordan vigorously pursued stronger Saudi collaboration in the war on terrorism and terrorist financing, and advocated promotion of American business, human rights, democracy, and economic reform in the Kingdom, including reforms needed to qualify for Saudi accession to the World Trade Organization.

Resuming his law career at Baker Botts in 2004, Mr. Jordan currently engages in an international business, government relations, and dispute resolution practice. He has served as personal attorney to President George W. Bush and also has advised major corporations in shareholder litigation and in antitrust, corporate governance, and dispute resolution matters. He has participated in engagements involving international transactions in the transportation, security, educational, mining, financial, and energy sectors.

Mr. Jordan is a member of the American Arbitration Association Commercial Panel of Arbitrators, the National Panel of Distinguished Neutrals of the CPR International Institute for Conflict Prevention & Resolution, and The London Court of International Arbitration. A member of the Council on Foreign Relations, he serves as president of the Dallas Committee on Foreign Relations and as vice chairman of the board of directors of the John G. Tower Center for Political Studies. Mr. Jordan also serves on the executive committee of the board of directors of the Center for American and International Law and the advisory board of the Center’s Institute for Transnational Arbitration.

Mr. Jordan serves as Diplomat in Residence and adjunct professor of political science at Southern Methodist University. In 2007 he received the Fellows Award presented by the Dallas Bar Foundation.

Mr. Jordan frequently shares his in-depth experience in international relations in interviews with the major international news media. He has given speeches before the Council on Foreign Relations in New York and Committees on Foreign Relations in Washington, Dallas, Phoenix, Houston, and Chicago, as well as before audiences in London, Riyadh, Jeddah, Dhahran, Beirut, and Rome.

Related Items:

“Saudi Arabian-U.S. Relations: A Balance Sheet on the Issues of Greatest Importance to Both” – Arab-US Policymakers Conference – Oct 30, 2006 – ArabiaLink

The Impact of Lebanon on US-Saudi Relations – A Conversation with Robert Jordan – Exclusive – SUSRIS Interview – Aug 16, 2006

Crises and Opportunities in U.S.-Saudi Relations – Ambassador Robert Jordan Interview – Sep. 7, 2004

Saudi Arabia’s Accession to the WTO: Is a “Revolution” Brewing? – Middle East Policy Council Capitol Hill Conference Series on US Middle East Policy – Robert Jordan: A Diplomat’s View – Jan. 22, 2006

Robert Jordan’s Crucible By Jim Landers – SUSRIS IOI – Sep. 26, 2004

Myths and Realities: Saudi Arabia Re-examined – The New Republic Symposium on Public Policy – [Part 1] – SUSRIS IOI Nov. 18, 2004

Riyadh – The Third Summit of Heads of State and Government of OPEC Member Countries concluded [November 18] in Riyadh issuing a call to the international community to protect the stability of global energy markets, reaffirming the need to use energy for sustainable development and emphasizing the importance of protecting environment.

The third summit in the organisation’s history underlined the interrelationship between security of supply and the security of demand, and reiterated their commitment to ensure adequate supply of oil to maintain stability in global energy market and achieve economic prosperity.

The Heads of States and government of OPEC member countries also promised to support the fight against climatic changes and global warming. The summit also reiterated its support to the sustainable development of the world countries and the continued assistance for the developing nations in order to achieve the United Nations Millennium Development Goals.

In the final session of the third summit chaired by Custodian of the Two Holy Shrines, King Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud of Saudi Arabia, the Heads of states of OPEC member countries reiterated the commitment of the member countries to conserve, efficiently manage and prolong the exploitation of their exhaustible petroleum resources, in order to promote sustainable development and the welfare of future generations.

The final communiqué of the summit, the ‘Riyadh Declaration’ was read out by Secretary General of OPEC Abdullah Bin Salem Al Badri at the King Abdul Aziz International Conference Centre.

The following is the full text of the solemn declaration of the third OPEC summit: We, the Heads of State and Government of Member Countries of the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), continuing in the spirit of our First and Second Summits held in Algiers and Caracas in 1975 and 2000, respectively, have accepted the invitation extended by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz, to meet for our Third Summit in Riyadh, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, from 17 to 18 November 2007.

RIYADH DECLARATION

Reaffirming the inalienable and permanent sovereign rights of our countries over their natural resources; Cognizant of our countries’ commitments to conserve, efficiently manage and prolong the exploitation of their exhaustible petroleum resources, in order to promote the sustainable development and the welfare of our future generations; Recognizing our obligation to develop our countries and raise the living standards of our peoples; And emphasizing the role of our Organisation and its contribution to global energy market stability and economic prosperity; Have agreed to the following principles to guide our Organisation and Member Countries’ economic, energy and environmental endeavours, within the following three themes:

A) Stability of global energy markets.

B) Energy for sustainable development.

C) Energy and environment Stability of global energy markets We recognize the importance of reliable, affordable and competitive energy supplies in ensuring global prosperity and the role of petroleum in world energy consumption. We also recognize the leading role of our Organisation in meeting growing global energy needs, including those of developingeconomies, and our Organisation’s mission of securing the efficient, economic and regular supply of petroleun1 to consumers, with a steady and reasonable income to the petroleum resource-owning producers and a fair return on capital to those investing in the petroleum industry.

Globalisation has expanded international trade and accelerated economic growth. It has also improved communications, interconnected financial markets, advanced technology and increased mobility. As a result, the world’s energy trade has expanded and is projected to continue to be driven by global economic and energy demand growth. While globalization provides opportunities, it poses many challenges, such as income inequality, recurring market volatility and underlying uncertainties.

The central role that petroleum plays in the economies of our countries, as well as the world, makes petroleum market stability essential, not only for resource conservation, but also to our economic and social development. Moreover, the role of energy, especially petroleum, in the economies of the consuming countries makes energy security essential for their sustained economic growth. While we endeavour to diversify our economies and improve the living standards of our peoples, we recognize that, with globalization, the economies of the world, as well as markets, including energy markets, are integrated and interdependent.

Our Organisation is well-positioned to continue to meet a substantial share of the global petroleum need, and, while acknowledging the challenges of globalization and changing world energy market dynamics, we resolve to:

1. Reaffirm our commitment to the principles and objectives, as stated in the Organisation’s Statute, Algiers and Caracas Solemn Declarations of our Summits in 1975 and 2000, as well as the Long- Term Strategy of our Organisation,

2. Continue providing adequate, timely, efficient, economic and reliable petroleum supplies to world markets.

3. Work with all parties to achieve balanced energy markets and, stable and competitive petroleum prices.

4. Emphasize the importance of global peace in enhancing energy investment and market stability and predictability.

5. Undertake the necessary investments to increase upstream and downstream-capacities in our Member Countries, and, at the same time, urge consuming nations to provide the environment conducive to petroleum investments in their countries.

6. Underscore the interrelationships between global security of petroleum supply and the security and predictability of demand.

7. Urge all parties to find ways and means of enhancing the efficiency of financial petroleum markets, with the aim of reducing short-term price volatility that is harmful to producers and consumers.

8. Promote efficiency and sustainability of the production and consumption of petroleum resources, while recognizing the roles of technology and innovation.

9. Continue the process of coordination and consultation with other petroleum exporting countries, in the interests of all petroleum producers.

10. Strengthen and broaden the dialogue between energy producers and consumers through the International Energy Forum and other international and regional fora, for the benefit of all, and note successful dialogues between OPEC, the European Union, the People’s Republic of China, the Russian Federation, the International Energy Agency and others.

11. Reiterate that measures or legislation undermining the spirit of producer consumer cooperation would jeopardize market stability and energy security.

12. Encourage cooperation and exchanges in the fields of technology and human resource development, among petroleum industries in OPEC Member Countries and with other stakeholders, to promote efficiency, innovation, governance and international best practices.

13. Urge consuming governments to adopt transparent, non-discriminatory and predictable trade, fiscal, environmental and energy policies and promote free access to markets and financial resources.

14. Work with other governments, international Organisations and the international business community to facilitate investment in, and the transfer of technology to, our Member Countries, in order to diversify our economies and achieve social progress and sustainable development.

Energy for sustainable development We recognize that energy is essential for poverty eradication, sustainable development and the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals and the Johannesburg Plan of Implementation. The world community has agreed, through different international initiatives, that access to reliable, affordable, economically viable, socially acceptable and environmentally sound energy services is crucial, particularly for developing countries. We associate our countries with all global efforts aimed at bridging the development gap, making energy accessible to the world’s poor, while protecting the environment.

Addressing the economic, social and environmental pillars of sustainable development requires a comprehensive approach to international trade, finance, energy and technology issues. Reaffirming the principle of sovereignty, it is important to continue working towards an early conclusion of the development-oriented Doha Round of trade negotiations, as well as mobilizing development assistance and foreign direct investment to developing countries. It is equally important, in this regard, to ensure that investment and trade policies are fair and structured to promote and facilitate technology transfer to developing countries on affordable and cost-effective terms, especially of environmentally sound technologies.

The Member Countries of our Organisation, while joining the international community in the efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, take the interests of fellow developing countries into full account in our petroleum production and investment decisions, as well as our development assistance programmes and initiatives. It was during our First Summit in Algiers that the OPEC Fund for International Development was established to provide development assistance to developing countries. Our Member Countries, acknowledging the strong interrelationships between energy and development and the potential for their enhancement to achieve sustainable development, resolve to:

1. Emphasize that eradicating poverty should be the first and overriding global priority guiding local, regional and international efforts.

2. Continue working with the international community towards the advancement of the interdependent and mutually supportive pillars of sustainable development, namely economic development, social progress and environmental protection.

3. Highlight the importance for the global community to achieve its development goals, including those contained in Agenda 21, the United Nations Millennium Development Goals, the Johannesburg Plan of Implementation, the Monterrey Consensus and the New Partnership for African Development (NEP AD) initiative.

4. Urge developed countries to facilitate access to modern technologies by developing countries that are reliable, affordable, economically viable, socially acceptable and environmentally sound.

5. Reaffirm OPEC’s continued commitment to development assistance through the OPEC Fund for International Development (OFID) and its Member Countries’ bilateral, regional and multilateral development assistance channels.

6. Continue to align the programmes of our aid institutions, including those of the OPEC Fund for International Development, with the objective of achieving sustainable development and the eradication of energy poverty in the developing countries, and study ways and means of enhancing this endeavour, in association with the energy industry and other financial institutions.

7. Encourage greater economic and financial cooperation among Member Countries.

Energy and environment The process of production and consumption of energy resources poses different local, regional and global environmental challenges. Human ingenuity and technological development have long played pivotal roles in addressing such challenges and providing the world with clean, affordable and competitive petroleum resources for global prosperity. Producers of petroleum are called upon to continue their central role in providing the world with its present and future energy needs, while addressing, along with the international community, global environmental concerns associated with their use.

We share the international community’s concern that climate change is a long-term challenge, and recognize the interrelationships between addressing such concerns on the one hand, and ensuring secure and stable petroleum supplies to support global economic growth and development on the other. While addressing global environmental concerns, such as climate change, it is important to emphasize the roles of governments, as well as those of innovation, markets and technological development, in any local and global undertaking.

In the run-up to the 13th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Third Meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol, in our Member Country, Indonesia – and beyond – we continue to collaborate with the international community in addressing the issues and challenges in a comprehensive~ equitable and effective manner. Our Member Countries, acknowledging the interrelationships between energy production and consumption, environmental protection and preservation and economic growth and social development, resolve to:

1. Continue our Member Countries’ response to global environmental challenges and support international efforts to address these issues in the most cost-effective manner.

2. Promote collaboration in research and development in the petroleum field among OPEC science and technology centres, as well as collaboration with other international centres and the industry, with the objective of increasing the petroleum resource base, producing it more efficiently and continue introducing cleaner fuels.

3. Acknowledge that forests play a crucial role in maintaining ecological balance, as sinks, sources and reservoirs of greenhouse gases. In this regard, we are committed to the promotion of the management, conservation and sustainable development of al1 types of forest. To this end, global cooperation is needed to intensify collective international efforts in this field.

4. Reaffirm the core principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities, in addressing climate change policies and measures, including the implementation of United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol.

5. Ensure that all policies and measures developed to address climate change concerns are both balanced and comprehensive, taking into account their impact on developing countries, including countries heavily dependent on the production and export of fossil fuels. . .

6. Emphasize the importance of a comprehensive approach to climate change that addresses all contributing greenhouse gases, their sources, sectors and sinks, and benefits from the relevant Kyoto Protocol mechanism.

7. Stress the importance of cleaner and more efficient petroleum technologies for the protection of the local, regional and global environment, and the importance of expediting the development of technologies that address climate change, such as carbon capture and storage. (Emirates News Agency, WAM)

Source: Emirates Bulletin – Emirates News Agency, WAM

Related Items:

SUSRIS Special Section – OPEC’s Third Summit

OPEC Summit Home Page

Third OPEC Summit Agenda

King Abdullah Chairs OPEC Summit

Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, November 17, 2007, SPA- Presided over by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, the Third Summit Meeting of the leaders and representatives of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) member states began its deliberations at King Abdulaziz International Center for Conferences in Riyadh tonight.

Saudi delegation to the summit was headed by Crown Prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Deputy Premier, Minister of Defense and Aviation and Inspector General.

President Hugo Chavez Frias of Venezuela, who is the President of the previous OPEC summit, delivered a speech in which he thanked the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, heads of the delegations of OPEC member states to the Third OPEC Summit and their accompanying delegations,

The president conveyed the greetings of Venezuelan people to all peoples represented at this summit, particularly the Arab people who are sharing with his country a cultural identity throughout years of struggle in search for a better world and peace.

He emphasized that the only road to peace is justice, pointing out that this meeting comes between culture, traditions, brotherhood, justice and peace.

During his speech, the president gave an account on the birth and development of OPEC since 1960.

“OPEC is a conservative organization and we suggest rational consumption of this certainly depleting resource. We must establish some mechanisms and promote development programs with the poorest countries in the world,” he said.

In the name of Almighty Allah, the most merciful, most compassionate

Prayer and peace be upon the messenger of God,

Your Highnesses, Excellencies,

Assalamu Alaykum Wa Rahmatullah Wa Barakatu (Mercy, Blessings and peace of God be upon you):

It is my pleasure that the Third OPEC summit is being held in Riyadh, and I welcome you, wishing every success for this historic meeting.

Since the establishment of our organization some 50 years ago, it has set for itself two essential objectives: First, protecting the interests of its member countries, and Second: shielding world economy against sudden shocks of oil prices and supplies. Experience has proved that OPEC has maintained these two. Aware that the prosperity of the world is one whole unit, the OPEC provided enough, at times, at the expense of its immediate interests.

Petroleum is energy for construction and building, and it should not be transferred into a means of conflict and whims.

Those who repeatedly claim that OPEC is a monopoly and exploitative organization do ignore the fact that it has always acted on grounds of moderation and wisdom. The most evident proof here is that, taking into consideration the inflation rates of today, the current real price of oil has not reached its rate during the early 80s of the last century.

The organization has bridged dialogues with consuming countries, and for this reason the Secretariat General of the International Energy Forum, on which great hopes were attached, was established. Moreover, the organization did not disavow its responsibilities towards developing countries and combating poverty. In this regard, it has set up OPEC Fund for International Development whose contributions cover more than 120 countries. Additionally, the member states of OPEC extended perhaps the highest developmental assistance if we take into consideration their national revenues.

Brothers and Friends:

What floats nowadays of talks on the negative impact of oil on environment and climate fuses the truth with falsehood. And attempts targeting oil with high taxes are more harmful to consumers than producers. I do call for studying the issue of petroleum in relation to environment and climate scientifically and objectively away from political pressures and effects. Accordingly, I am pleased to announce that the Government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has allocated $300 million as nucleus for a program that funds scholarly research relating to energy, environment, and climate change. I do hope that consuming and producing countries will contribute to similar programs in order to reach accurate conclusions that ensure the safety of the environment and satisfy the escalating needs for petroleum.

Thank you, and God’s peace and mercy unto you

OPEC Secretary General Abdullah bin Salem Al-Badri delivered a speech in which he thanked the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al Saud on his patronage of this Conference.

He also thanked the heads of OPEC countries, pointing out that this conference is of great importance for being convened in Riyadh.

He said that OPEC has spared no effort in preserving the interests of its members by ensuring the stability of oil markets and securing stable oil supplies, adding that the organization achieved its objectives through precised predicting mechanism of the level of consumption in the medium and long terms.

“We are pleased with the success during the last 47 years. The challenges we faced and will face must be read. As we succeeded in facing the past challenges, we must face the future challenges,” he said.

“There are two challenges before the organization. The first is providing the world’s population with their needs of petroleum in order to support the global economy and maintain its growth. The second is environment”, he said, stressing that the organization is committed to the preservation of the environment through research that contribute to combating the emission of carbon dioxide. He also affirmed OPEC’s support for scientific research that contribute to reducing the use of petroleum and discover alternatives to energy.

He highlighted the continuous support of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for OPEC, saying “OPEC derives its strength from the support of its members”.

Then the Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources Ali bin Ibrahim Al-Naimi introduced to The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, OPEC former secretaries general, current secretary general, distinguished researchers and prominent journalists who contributed to the service of OPEC.

Minister Al-Naimi said that on the occasion of the convention of the Third OPEC Summit in Riyadh, the King directed to honor 12 secretaries general who have served OPEC since its establishment in 1960. The Kingdom’s honoring is in appreciation of their role in administering the Organization and representing it at international arenas and meetings during assumption of their posts as secretaries general.

He announced that the Monarch directed to award two prizes, the first one named “Distinction Prize” in the field of petroleum researches, to three researchers contributed through their researches, lectures and prestigious research bodies for which they have worked for many years to enriching energy researches in general and oil in particular. Their researches have had an important role in clarifying the role of oil in the world economy and the role of OPEC in world energy relations.

The second prize is named “Distinction Prize in Field of Petroleum Journalism” that will be awarded to three world journalists whose press coverage and news analyses have contributed for many years to clarifying the dimensions of technical, economic and political relation of petroleum and publicizing OPEC role in energy relations and the world economy, he noted.

The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al Saud honored the former OPEC Secretaries General and the current Secretary General.
They are as follows:
1- Mohammed Saleh Joukhdar, from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (1967)
2- Dr. Francisco Parra, from Venezuela (1968)
3- Omar el-Badri, from Libya (1970)
4- Dr. Abderrahman Khene, from Algeria (1973-1974)
5- Ali Jaidah, from Qatar (1977-1978)
6- Rene Ortiz, from Ecuador (1/1/1979 to 30/6/1981).
7- Dr. Marc Nan Nguema, from Gabon (1981-1983)
8- Dr. Subroto, from Indonesia (1988-1994)
9- Dr. Rilwanu Lukman, from Nigeria (1995-2000)
10- Dr. Ali Rodr?guez Araque, from Venezuela (2001-2002)
11- Alvaro Silva Calderon, from Venezuela (2002-2003)
12- Abdullah Salem el-Badri, from Libya (2007 – up to date).

The monarch also honored the following distinguished researchers:
-Robert Mabro, from the United Kingdom
- Dr. John Mitchell, from the United Kingdom
-Dr. Daniel Regn, from the United States of America.

The monarch also honored the following prominent media members:

- Dr. Walid Khaddori, from Iraq.
- Samira Qawar, from Jordan.
- Buchan Bahri, from India.

Then, the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques held a dinner party in honor of the leaders and delegates of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) participating in OPEC’s Third Summit.

The summit’s opening ceremony and the function were attended by Prince Misha’al bin Abdulaziz; Prince Abdul-Ilah bin Abdulaziz; Prince Meqren bin Abdulaziz, Chief of General Intelligence; other princes, ministers, senior officials and the diplomatic corps accredited to the Kingdom.

Saudi Arabia’s official delegation was comprised of Prince Abdulrahman bin Abdulaziz, Deputy Minister of Defense and Aviation and Inspector General; Prince Badr bin Abdulaziz, Deputy Commander of the National Guard; Prince Naif bin Abdulaziz, Interior Minister; Prince Salman bin Abdulaziz, Governor of Riyadh Region; Prince Saud Al-Faisal, Foreign Minister; Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman bin Abdulaziz, Assistant Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources for Petroleum Affairs; Dr. Abdulaziz Al-Khuwaiter, Minister of State and Member of the Cabinet; Dr. Ghazi Al-Gosaibi, Minister of Labor; Mohammed bin Ali Al-Fayez, Minister of Civil Service; Ali bin Ibrahim Al-Naimi, Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources; and Dr. Ibrahim Al-Assaf, Minister of Finance.

Source: Opec Summit Web Site

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SUSRIS Special Section – OPEC’s Third Summit

OPEC Summit Home Page

Third OPEC Summit Agenda

Global Oil Market Needs Fundamental Reforms
Giacomo Luciani

GENEVA, 17 November 2007 — OPEC heads of state gather in Riyadh today for the third summit meeting of the organization, at a time when oil prices are close to the psychologically important threshold of $100 per barrel. The summit is a political, not a technical meeting — and as such is unlikely to make specific decisions on prices or production — but a strategic statement on oil markets and prices seems a certainty.

OPEC heads of state are likely to disagree on the desirable level of prices. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates are of the opinion that the present level is too high, but other member countries with less abundant reserves might be quite happy with current circumstances.

That said, all OPEC members should be wary of volatility, because the latter is a threat to rational policy making for all — producers, companies and importers alike. The price of oil was $50 per barrel in January this year and is now double that — a 100 percent increase in a span of just 10 months.

This is a lot of volatility — and the likelihood that the trend might be reversed and prices could come crashing down to $60 or $70 per barrel is very real. On the other hand, the climb may continue well beyond $100 — we just do not know. Yet, it is inconceivable that a continued price rise will prove to be harmless to the world economy, and, more importantly, be in the long term interest of major oil exporters.

This is hardly an ideal situation for anybody. So why have prices climbed so high?

Three main explanations of the phenomenon have been proposed, respectively based on geopolitical considerations, fundamentals and financial markets analysis.

Geopolitical Threats

Geopolitical developments are frequently mentioned to explain high oil prices, and surely there is no dearth of news that may justify nervousness: one day it is Turkey threatening to send troops across the Iraqi border, another day the US president raises the specter of World War III, on a third day martial law is imposed in Pakistan, and in Venezuela, students agitate against Hugo Chavez.

However, the argument is not exactly convincing because potentially alarming geopolitical developments are frequent: they were as frequent one year ago as they are now, and prices then were much lower.

There hardly is a day that does not provide us with some news which we may conveniently use to explain oil price increases, but the causal link remains unproven. Some events — for example, a US or Israeli attack on Iranian nuclear installations — may indeed have a major impact on global oil supplies; but others, such as Turkish cross-border action against the PKK, may not touch oil production and logistics at all.

Fundamentals

Fundamentals have seemingly evolved in the direction of supporting, or at least validating higher prices. We have no hard evidence that oil is in tight supply — certainly there has not been any physical shortage so far (OPEC frequently stresses this point, and uses it to justify its reluctance to increase quotas) — but surely demand has continued to increase while non-OPEC supply growth has been disappointing, and spare capacity worldwide has decreased from more than 6 million bpd in 2002 to around 2 million bpd today.

The continuing strength of demand is the most surprising aspect here: that non-OPEC supply is slowly reaching a plateau (or peak, depending on your preferences) has been known for quite a while. But demand, no: for the past four years at least we have been waiting for high prices to have consequences such as increased inflation, or a slowdown of the economies of the major importing countries.

But this has not happened. Oil demand appears to be insensitive to price, and income growth too has not been seriously affected so far.

Rather, demand has simply validated ex post any level of prices that was reached on the markets. We constantly expect that a major reaction is just around the corner, but we turn one corner after the other and find demand growth as usual.

Since 2005, demand growth has taken place mostly in non-OECD countries (China, Middle East, and to a lesser extent India and other developing countries). There is some preliminary evidence that in OECD countries the price effect is visible; however, no such evidence has been observed in the developing countries.

Gross domestic product (GDP) has continued to grow at historically high rates especially in China and India, in contrast to all long-term scenarios, which are uniformly based on the assumption that Chinese and Indian growth will slow down. The latest World Energy Outlook, published by the International Energy Agency (IEA) on Nov. 7, focuses on the impact of China and India on global energy equilibria.

“The staggering pace of Chinese and Indian economic growth in the past few years, outstripping that of all other major countries, has pushed up sharply their energy needs, a growing share of which has to be imported.”

Yet the IEA simply cannot accept that this growth might continue at unchanged speed: “Both the reference and alternative policy scenario projections are based on what some might consider conservative assumptions about economic growth in the two giants. They envisage a progressive and marked slowdown in the rate of growth of output over the projection period. In a high growth scenario, which assumes that China’s and India’s economies grow on average 1.5 percentage points per year faster than in the reference scenario (though more slowly than of late), energy demand is 21 percent higher in 2030 in China and India combined.” A scenario in which growth simply continues at current rates is not even considered.

Needless to say, neither country is interested in seeing a slowdown of its growth, and will do its best to avoid it. Their abundant reservoir of surplus labor ensures that growth can continue for a while before serious tensions in wages arise. The complementary nature of their economies with the economies of the Gulf ensures that higher incomes in the Gulf will mean higher demand for imports from India and China, and increased Gulf investment in both, offsetting at least in part the deflationary effect of higher energy prices on aggregate demand. Their trade balances are in any case quite healthy (more so in the case of China) and higher oil prices will not force them to curb growth for the purpose of maintaining their external balance. Elsewhere in the world too, growth engines are at work. In the European Union, sclerotic and inefficient as people may like to depict her, the integration of new member countries will exert an increasingly beneficial effect on growth. Europe is also well positioned to improve its exports to the Gulf and North African oil producers, as well as to Russia, again offsetting the immediate deflationary impact of higher oil prices on aggregate demand. Other emerging countries, such as Turkey or Brazil, are also well positioned to continue their growth, and Russia is, of course, a major beneficiary of higher oil and gas prices.

The most important question mark is over the future of the US economy — and this is certainly not just a minor detail. The excessive debt of families, the corporate sector and the state will require a long and painful readjustment process, of which the subprime mortgage crisis is but one early manifestation. This has been known for a long time, and a weakening of the dollar had been expected. It is now taking place, more abruptly than many expected or desired. But will this necessarily lead to a “collapse” of the US economy? Surely not: progressive adjustment is possible, although a downsizing of US share in global demand and consumption is inevitable — and specifically, American energy consumption habits must change.

Therefore, we fail to see a convincing case for increased oil prices leading to global recession, unless major policy mistakes are made by key monetary authorities. The other side of this coin is that oil demand may well continue to be strong notwithstanding higher prices, and “validate” ex post the new price levels, although logically we would have to assume that the rate of increase moderates. We cannot expect doubling of prices every year — or even one additional year — to pass harmlessly. Can we, then, on the back of this argument, conclude that the current level of prices is justified by fundamentals? I believe not: just as geopolitical tensions are a constant and cannot justify prices climbing 100 percent in 10 months, so the demand/supply balance does not appear to have deteriorated to an extent sufficient to justify the price shift.

We hear frequently about stocks being very low, but it is well known that our understanding of stocks is partial to say the least. Excessive importance is attributed to information concerning US stocks (and in one specific location: Cushing, Oklahoma — as if this were the center of the world) primarily because of lack of information about the rest. US refinery stocks have decreased since the summer, but it is not at all clear whether this is due to scarcity of oil (i.e. refiners would have liked to hold more, but they could not find supplies and were forced to draw down their stocks) or to financial calculus. In fact, over the summer, the market shifted from contango (which is when future prices for subsequent months are higher than for the front month) to backwardation (which is when future prices for subsequent months are lower than for the front month). In a contango, it pays for refiners to accumulate physical stocks, while in a backwardation it pays to reduce them. Therefore the decline we are witnessing may be the result of a deliberate shift in policy on the part of refiners.

This gets us directly into the third possible explanation, which is related to the functioning of financial markets. The core of the problem is that the price of oil is fixed not on the spot market, where so-called “wet” barrels are traded, but on the futures market, where only paper barrels are traded. Spot markets lack liquidity and transparency: furthermore, and possibly more importantly, the major oil streams are not available for trading, because major oil exporters do not allow their oil to be traded. In contrast, huge liquidity is available on the futures markets, which are exchange-based and much more transparent — but they only trade paper barrels. The peculiarity of the international oil market is that the price of a physical commodity, oil, is fixed on the market for a class of financial assets, oil futures. This paradox and the negative consequences of it have been denounced for many years by Robert Mabro (whom the OPEC summit will honor with a special prize) but not much has been done to remedy it.

Oil futures are a specific asset class that is tied to the broader galaxy of financial markets, because money can readily flow from one to the other. The subprime crisis, fear of resurgent inflation and higher interest rates are discouraging investment in bonds and other fixed income assets; uncertainty about future growth, especially in the United States, is discouraging investment in equity; investors therefore have apparently focused on commodities, pushing higher the prices of a broad range of commodities, not just oil. In addition, the futures market — as all financial markets — is influenced by technical trading and other forms of speculation, which tend to profit out of volatility, and at the same time further increase it. It is therefore possible for the futures market to push prices well beyond their “equilibrium” level.

Normally, when financial markets become seriously misaligned with underlying economic realities, a reversal of expectations eventually sets in and brings valuations back to a more sustainable level. In the case of oil, however, demand rigidity in the short term tends to validate any level of prices that we have seen so far. Ex post, demand and supply would look like they are in equilibrium at $50 per barrel as well as $100 per barrel. Possibly, some stream of heavy and sour Middle East crude will find fewer buyers at the higher price, but any amount of “unsold” oil would not be clearly visible, and no downward price signal is generated.

Volatility, therefore, is especially damaging because there is no effective mechanism to dampen swings and encourage a reversal of expectations. In the long run, demand will slow down, expectations will reverse, prices will decline; but a lot of economic damage may be done in the meantime.

The Role of Major Producers in Oil Market Reform

If then the root cause of the current situation is to be found in the fact that the price of oil is fixed by trading of a financial, not a real asset, the step which is required of OPEC is that it should again take upon itself the role of price maker, which belongs to the major producers in any market. Currently OPEC tries to play the role of price maker indirectly, through control of supply to the market. This policy has worked in the past and may continue to work in the future but less effectively. The mere suggestion of Saudi intent to discuss another increase of OPEC supply by 0.5 million arrested the price climb and caused a drop of $2. Of course, this may be just a pause in the tug of war between OPEC and the financial market speculators. Had OPEC excess supply been more plentiful, the organization’s influence over the market would have been more effective, but, in the final analysis, the major producers will need to shift to a more active role. This should not be interpreted as meaning a return to posted prices: OPEC countries, as we have noted already, would not easily agree on a level of prices and we have seen the consequence of this already in the early 1980s.

Prices should continue to be set by market forces, but it should be a market for wet, not paper barrels. Or, to say the least, a market in which the demand and supply of wet barrels are more important than the demand and supply of paper barrels. To achieve this result, it is necessary to allow major oil streams to be traded, and organize the trading in an efficient and transparent fashion.

It is frequently said that major crude oil streams cannot be traded because there is but one seller. This, however, is certainly not true: there are several markets in which there is only one seller of a specific good — the way in which a price signal is generated in this case is by conducting an auction. We can, for example, point to the market for government bonds, which is in many ways similar to oil.

There are many ways in which an auction can be conducted, and the details are far from irrelevant But this is not something that should concern the OPEC heads of state — they should simply signal the will to make more of their oil available for trading so that the excessive influence of financial investors may be dampened. This is a better solution than simply announcing an increase of quotas, which may or may not be necessary, and may or may not be effective as a tool to dampen speculation.

The definition of new modalities for crude oil trading should be the object of wide technical consultations and is an area of potential cooperation between oil-exporting and oil-importing countries. Both sides have an interest in reducing volatility and in contributing to designing a better global oil market, even if, in the final analysis, they have opposing interests with respect to the level of prices. The International Energy Forum, based in Riyadh, should be entrusted with the task of coordinating an international effort aimed at establishing oil trading on stronger and more reliable foundations.

Although details may differ, the direction in which we need to move is well understood. It is the direction that the recently launched DME Oman contract points to: establishing exchange-based futures trading with physical delivery. In other words, create paper barrels that turn into wet barrels at maturity, and can be laden unto a ship and fed to a refinery.

The DME Oman contract has started well, and its potentially revolutionary impact has been widely recognized by independent observers, but it is not enough to reform the global oil market. What is needed is an array of such contracts for several qualities of crude oil from several producers, including from outside the Gulf (especially some of the Mediterranean and Caspian producers). As with equities, longer term futures trading could then develop on the basis of indexes of several crude oils, in order to attract the liquidity that each stream is unlikely to attract in isolation.

It is obvious that in a market structure based on DME Oman-like contracts or other forms of auction, the producers would retain very substantial influence on both settlement prices and quantities sold. If they used their market power to stabilize prices at a fixed level, this scenario would boil down to a system of posted prices under a different name. But this is not necessary and would not be wise. The producers are better off if they allow price signals to emerge from the trading floors, and simply avoid excessive fluctuations in one direction or another. This would not necessarily require frequent active intervention, because the mere knowledge that producers might influence the market will discourage excessive speculation. The trick is to devise a market structure that will be more stable even in the absence of intervention. This is possible, and it is urgent.

(Giacomo Luciani is the director of Gulf Research Center Foundation in Geneva)

Source: Arab News

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SUSRIS Special Section – OPEC’s Third Summit

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Third OPEC Summit Agenda

Editor’s Note:

This weekend OPEC leaders are gathering in Riyadh for the third summit in its 47 year history and they will discuss development issues under the rubric “Providing Petroleum, Promoting Prosperity and Protecting the Planet.” OPEC officials indicated questions of surging oil prices and production quotas will not be the focus of the summit. Rather, a ministerial meeting on December 12, 2007 in Abu Dhabi will address the issue of production quotas.

This SUSRIS Item of Interest provides background on the organization and the summit, as well as OPEC’s commentary on the importance of the summit and links to related articles and materials.

Background:

The Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) is a permanent, intergovernmental Organization, created at the Baghdad Conference on September 10-14, 1960, by Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Venezuela. The five Founding Members were later joined by nine other Members: Qatar (1961); Indonesia (1962); Socialist Peoples Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (1962); United Arab Emirates (1967); Algeria (1969); Nigeria (1971); Ecuador (1973); Gabon (1975-1994) and Angola (2007).

OPEC currently groups 12 countries and will re-accept Ecuador, a former member who withdrew the cartel in 1992, as a formal member during the summit.

The 12 OPEC members are Algeria, Angola, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Nigeria, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Venezuela.

OPEC’s objective is to co-ordinate and unify petroleum policies among Member Countries, in order to secure fair and stable prices for petroleum producers; an efficient, economic and regular supply of petroleum to consuming nations; and a fair return on capital to those investing in the industry.

OPEC Commentary

November 2007

The holding of the Third OPEC Summit of Heads of State this month is the latest reminder of the Organization’s abiding commitment to its longstanding objectives, as well as its readiness to recognize the new challenges facing the oil market and to respond accordingly.

Not only are the challenges increasing in number, they are also growing in complexity.

It is no longer simply a case of representing the interests of Member Countries in the oil industry and seeking means of achieving market order and stability, as was the situation at the birth of the Organization in Baghdad in September 1960.

OPEC has advanced a long way in the half century since then and the challenges it recognizes and acts upon have broadened considerably. They span such areas as: the national oil companies, including their relationships with their international counterparts; the downstream, especially in the light of the shortcomings that have manifested themselves recently; manpower in the industry, with the present shortages of essential skills; energy matters generally, including oil’s close cousin, gas, and not overlooking renewables; relations with other members of the global energy community; the environment, covering both climate change and local pollution; economic development and growth, with special emphasis on the needs of the world’s poorer nations; and world trade, particularly in the context of the Doha talks.

The first two OPEC Summits highlighted many of the additional challenges. For example, the First Summit, in Algiers in 1975, expressed the need for a new, more just international economic order, and, in calling for greater help for other developing countries, led directly to the establishment of the OPEC Fund for International Development. And the Second Summit, in Caracas in 2000, addressed the need to enhance dialogue among producers and consumers, highlighted OPEC’s concern about the global environment, and, in anticipation of the World Summit on Sustainable Development two years later, maintained that economic and social development and the eradication of poverty should be the overriding global priority.

Clearly, it can be seen that, while the challenges themselves are more numerous and complex, there is a vast network of interlinkages among them and this adds to the overall self-assigned mandate of the Organization.

Furthermore, the means of handling the challenges effectively has been as important, in a sense, as the challenges themselves, since it is crucial to get this right. Accordingly, OPEC ensures that, in its decisions and actions, the required attention is given to such key elements as strategic vision, daily market monitoring, long-term analysis, realistic scenario-building, meaningful dialogue and cooperation, and the latest developments in technology. In this respect, OPEC is well-supported by the work carried out by its Vienna-based Secretariat.

The Third Summit, to be held in Riyadh on November 17–18, will build upon the achievements of the past and will focus on three primary themes: providing petroleum; promoting prosperity; and protecting the planet. More details on these subjects can be found in this issue of the OPEC Bulletin.

During the course of its history, OPEC has become an established, respected member of the global energy community, with a vast bank of experience covering almost every possible eventuality in the oil sector and related areas. It is widely consulted on industry matters by a plethora of interests, including government, business, the media and academia.

The Third Summit will enable OPEC to strengthen its already solid credentials with regard to oil matters, as the Heads of State review the outstanding challenges facing the industry today, address the strategic implications for Member Countries and readjust the focus of the Organization accordingly for the years ahead.

Source: Opec.org

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SUSRIS Special Section – OPEC’s Third Summit

OPEC Summit Home Page

Third OPEC Summit Agenda

Editor’s Note:

A year ago the Democratic Party was enjoying the afterglow of success in the 2006 US Congressional elections, based in large measure on the question of Iraq and the prospects for limiting or ending US troop presence there. On November 29, 2006 Nawaf Obaid, Managing Director of the Saudi National Security Assessment Project (a government consultancy based in Riyadh), wrote a remarkably frank oped in the Washington Post titled, “Stepping Into Iraq – Saudi Arabia Will Protect Sunnis if the U.S. Leaves.” The oped was disavowed by the Saudi government and Prince Turki al Faisal, then Saudi Ambassador to the United States, terminated Mr. Obaid’s consultancy.

Two week later Helene Cooper writing in the New York Times reported, “Saudi Arabia has told the Bush administration that it might provide financial backing to Iraqi Sunnis in any war against Iraq’s Shiites if the United States pulls its troops out of Iraq, according to American and Arab diplomats.

The Cooper article cited the case of Mr. Obaid’s oped and the fallout from his assertions:

“The Saudis have been wary of supporting Sunnis in Iraq because their insurgency there has been led by extremists of Al Qaeda, who are opposed to the kingdom’s monarchy. But if Iraq’s sectarian war worsened, the Saudis would line up with Sunni tribal leaders.

“The Saudi ambassador to the United States, Prince Turki al-Faisal, who told his staff on Monday that he was resigning his post, recently fired Nawaf Obaid, a consultant who wrote an opinion piece in The Washington Post two weeks ago contending that ‘one of the first consequences’ of an American pullout of Iraq would ‘be massive Saudi intervention to stop Iranian-backed Shiite militias from butchering Iraqi Sunnis.’

“Mr. Obaid also suggested that Saudi Arabia could cut world oil prices in half by raising its production, a move that he said ‘would be devastating to Iran, which is facing economic difficulties even with today’s high oil prices.’ The Saudi government disavowed Mr. Obaid’s column, and Prince Turki canceled his contract.

“But Arab diplomats said Tuesday that Mr. Obaid’s column reflected the view of the Saudi government, which has made clear its opposition to an American pullout from Iraq.”

With that background in mind we offer for your consideration an oped by Mr. Obaid, published on-line through Middle East Times on November 13, 2007. In the essay, Mr. Obaid outlines the strategic position enjoyed by Saudi Arabia and the influence it exerts in regional and global affairs.

Assessing Saudi Power
Nawaf Obaid

Saudi Arabia celebrated the 75th anniversary of its founding [in September], a milestone that provides an opportunity for assessing the kingdom’s standing in the international arena.

The leadership of King Abdullah, along with the windfall of vast oil revenues, has brought Saudi Arabia unprecedented influence and made it the key power broker in the region. King Abdullah’s Israeli-Palestinian peace plan is still the most viable; and the successful – if ultimately short-lived – brokering of the Hamas-Fatah unity government shows that the kingdom has the ability to do what no other power can. Saudi Arabia has invested billions into the rebuilding of Lebanon and remains a key supporter of the Siniora government. Also, it has taken the lead in organizing an Arab and Muslim response to help end fighting in the Sudan and Somalia. Finally, the kingdom quietly diffused a potentially explosive situation in Pakistan [September 10] by arranging for the return of former Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to Jeddah.

These signs all point to the fact that the kingdom has become the de facto leader of the Muslim world, and not only because it is the birthplace of Islam and home of its two holiest cities. Saudi Arabia has by far the largest economy in the Middle East and North Africa region – some $347 billion at the end of 2006. The kingdom’s economy is substantially larger than Iran’s, the region’s penultimate economic power. In fact, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the kingdom’s GDP dwarfs Iran’s $242 billion. (The Central Bank of Iran estimates the Iranian GDP at 20 percent less than the IMF.)

Initial estimates for 2007 by the IMF show the Saudi GDP surpassing that of Turkey by several billion dollars, claiming the top spot as the largest economy in the Muslim world. Furthermore, the kingdom is by far the largest exporter and holder of the largest trade and account balance surpluses in the Muslim world. Finally, SAMA, the Saudi central bank, is the second largest net foreign asset holder of all Muslim countries, behind only the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA), with an estimated position of $320 billion. (The kingdom also holds additional reserves that are not made public for national security reasons.) If current foreign assets keep increasing at their recent pace, SAMA’s foreign position will surpass ADIA’s by 2012.

The Saudi kingdom is the world’s largest producer, exporter and holder of oil reserves, and finds itself in the unique position of having about 90 percent of the world’s spare capacity, which makes its influence in today’s international economic system difficult to overstate. Saudi Aramco has a sustained production capacity of between 10.9 to 11.1 million barrels per day (mb/d). In contrast, Russia, holder of the world’s second largest sustained production capacity, has a potential of between 9.4 to 9.6 mb/d. Within OPEC, Saudi Arabia’s dominance is complete. The kingdom pumps two and a half times more oil than OPEC’s second largest producer, Iran, which has had great difficulty keeping its sustained production capacity at 3.9 mb/d. Saudi Arabia’s strength becomes even clearer when taking into consideration the fact that the kingdom exports four times more oil than Iran. Translated into cash, Saudi Arabia’s revenue from petroleum exports averaged about $185 billion in 2006, while Iran collected an estimated $51 billion, a bit less than Abu Dhabi, and even Kuwait.

The Saudi king’s official title is Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, and considering the pre-eminent role religion plays in the region, this fact adds enormously to the clout of the kingdom. In fact, its religious centrality among the world’s 1.35 billion Muslims (85 percent to 90 percent Sunni versus 10 percent to 15 percent Shia) is unmatched. The legitimacy that being the guardian of Islam’s two holiest cities provides to the Saudi leadership is invaluable in today’s conflict ridden region, and gives Saudi Arabia leverage in its goal of defusing the numerous crises engulfing the Muslim world. From Lebanon and Palestine, Pakistan, Iraq, Yemen, Sudan and now Somalia, the kingdom’s influence is clear.

Saudi Arabia’s new role comes with expanded responsibilities, especially in terms of economic aid and development. The kingdom has emerged as the leading single donor to all Muslim countries (excluding Iraq). The kingdom committed an initial $1.55 billion in financial aid to Lebanon – a $550 million grant to help rebuild damaged infrastructure and another $1 billion to boost currency reserves – with an additional $1.1 billion promised at the latest Paris III conference. In addition, $500 million for economic aid to Palestine is in the custody of the Islamic Development Bank, and an estimated $1 billion in additional funds has been earmarked for Palestine and will be disbursed when the political situation allows. Yemen has been granted $1 billion to help boost its economy and Pakistan $500 million (with a potential $1 billion more in the pipeline). Finally, an economic aid package of oil and loans worth several billion dollars for Jordan is under consideration.

In addition to these expenditures, Saudi Arabia is heavily investing in its own defense (an essential step, considering the botched US invasion of Iraq has made the region significantly less stable). On top of the estimated annual $25 billion military budget, approximately $60 billion is being spent over the next several years as part of the new Saudi Defense Doctrine. This program will expand, upgrade and maintain the various armed services of the Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Interior, and National Guard. This includes the recently inaugurated Phase 1 of the Salaam defense deal between Saudi Arabia and the United Kingdom, worth $8.9 billion (a portion of a package worth approximately $20 billion). An upcoming military deal with the United States will be even larger.

Thus, on the kingdom’s 75th anniversary, it has become clear that Saudi Arabia’s will to power is real, and stems from the kingdom’s deep historical roots and ideology as professed by its founder, King Abdulaziz. King Abdullah and Crown Prince Sultan have earned Saudi Arabia a leadership role in the region and have ensured that it is the preeminent Sunni Muslim power. By providing much needed aid and backing of various Muslim and Arab causes, the Saudi leadership has earned wide Muslim and Arab support. The mandate for King Abdullah now is to consolidate Saudi Arabia’s regional standing on the world stage.

Nawaf Obaid is a Saudi Strategic Affairs Adviser, based in Riyadh.

Mr. Obaid’s op-ed appeared at Middle East Times on-line on November 13, 2007

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On SUSRIS:

• Is Riyadh Ready to Recalibrate the Relationship – Nawaf Obaid – May 15, 2011
• Energy Infrastructure Threat Assessments Hyped – Nawaf Obaid – SUSRIS – Apr 18, 2011
• “Conspicuously quiet” in Saudi Arabia – Nawaf Obaid – SUSRIS –April 10, 2011
• Saudi Arabia “not ripe for revolution” – Nawaf Obaid – SUSRIS – March 10, 2011
• Assessing Saudi Power – Nawaf Obaid – SUSRIS – Nov 14, 2007
• Riyadh and Washington Maneuver Over Iraq Fears – SUSRIS – Dec 13, 2006
• Leading Saudi Arabian Diplomats – SUSRIS – Dec 12, 2006
• Saudi Ambassador Abruptly Resigns, Leaves Washington – SUSRIS Special Report- Dec 12, 2006
• Official Source Refutes Report of Nawaf Obaid in “Washington Post” – SUSRIS – Dec 2, 2006
• Stepping Into Iraq – Saudi Arabia Will Protect Sunnis if the U.S. Leaves – SUSRIS – Nov 29, 2006
• Saudi Arabia’s Emerging Role: New Strategic Initiatives – SNSAP – Nawaf Obaid – Nov 6, 2006 (PDF)
• Remnants of Al-Qaeda in Saudi Arabia: Current Assessment – SNSAP – Nawaf Obaid – Nov 3, 2006 (PDF)
• Disintegrating Iraq: Implications for Saudi National Security – SNSAP – Nawaf Obaid – Oct 30, 2006 (PDF)
• Fragmented Iraq: Implications for Saudi National Security – SUSRIS – Oct 16, 2006
• The Saudis and Containing Iran in Lebanon – Nawaf Obaid – SUSRIS – Aug 30, 2006
• Dampened Trust – SUSRIS Exclusive Interivew – Nawaf Obaid – Aug 22, 2006
• Region in Crisis: Saudi Arabia’s Critical Role in Lebanon – Nawaf Obaid – SUSRIS – Aug 8, 2008
• Saudi Arabia’s Strategic Energy Initiative: Safeguarding Against Supply Disruptions – SNSAP – Nawaf Obaid – Jul 29, 2006 (PDF)
• Saudi Arabia’s Emerging Leadership Role in the Region – SNSAP – Nawaf Obaid – Jul 24, 2006 (PDF)
• Fractured Iraq: Implications for Saudi National Security – SNSAP – Nawaf Obaid – Jun 23, 2006 (PDF)
• Fragmented Iraq: Implications for Saudi National Security – SNSAP – Nawaf Obaid – Mar 15, 2006 (PDF)
• Saudi National Security Assessment Project – SUSRIS Special Section 2006
• National Security in Saudi Arabia: Threats, Responses and Challenges – Cordesman / Obaid – SUSRIS – Oct 25, 2005

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New Era in Turkish Ties
Arab News

CAIRO/ANKARA, 11 November 2007 — Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah yesterday concluded his landmark visit to Turkey which opened a new era in political, economic and security relations between the two Islamic countries. The king later arrived in Cairo for talks with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.

During their talks, Abdullah and Mubarak called for a just and comprehensive solution to the Palestinian issue and the setting up of an independent Palestinian state on the basis of the Arab peace initiative and UN resolutions. The two leaders also discussed the situation in Iraq and Lebanon. King Abdullah briefed Mubarak on his European tour, which had taken him to Britain, Italy, Germany and Turkey.
In an earlier statement, King Abdullah said the Arab peace initiative, which was originally proposed by him, offered a historic opportunity for the world to end the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Speaking at a banquet hosted by Turkish President Abdullah Gul at the presidential palace, King Abdullah said the protracted Palestinian issue was the principal reason for many problems in the Middle East. “Tragedies will continue if the Palestinian issue remains unresolved,” he added.

“I believe that the peace initiative, which has been unanimously approved by Arab countries, represents a historic and unique opportunity to achieve a just and comprehensive peace and we look forward to working with you to achieve this goal,” the king told Turkish leaders.

Abdullah’s statement comes ahead of an international Middle East peace conference called by US President George W. Bush. Saudi Arabia has insisted that the conference tackle core issues of the conflict if it is to be successful.

Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia and Turkey yesterday agreed to expand their political, economic and security cooperation following talks between King Abdullah, President Gul and Prime Minister Racep Tayyip Erdogan. A joint declaration was signed by Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal and his Turkish counterpart Ali Babacan.

“The two sides will intensify their consultation and cooperation on regional issues of mutual importance, exchange high-level visits regularly and coordinate in the political, cultural, security and legal fields, especially in combating terrorism and crimes,” it said.

The two countries also agreed to expand their investment and trade cooperation by removing all obstacles and encouraging the exchange of visits by businessmen. They will open branches of Saudi and Turkish banks in the two countries and facilitate the inflow of investment. The declaration said Saudis would explore investment opportunities in Turkey’s industrial and agricultural sectors.

Source: Arab News

[SUSRIS SPECIAL SECTION - King Abdullah's Diplomatic Trip to European Capitals and Cairo - Click Here]

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Iraq Focus of King’s Talks in Turkey

ANKARA, 10 November 2007 — Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah arrived here yesterday on the last leg of a four-nation European tour for talks with President Abdullah Gul and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Iraq, Middle East peace and expanding trade ties.

On arrival at Esenboga International Airport in Ankara, the king was accorded a warm welcome by President Gul and top officials. He was later given an official welcome at the presidential palace with a 21-gun salute. King Abdullah, accompanied by Gul, also reviewed a guard of honor.

This is King Abdullah’s second visit to Turkey in less than two years and denotes the Kingdom’s growing ties with Ankara.

King Abdullah and President Gul later held a first round of talks on major regional and global issues, including the situation in Iraq, the Palestinian issue, the Middle East peace process and Lebanon, sources told Arab News.

The two sides called for a just and comprehensive solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict, allowing the Palestinians to have an independent state on the basis of the Arab Peace Initiative and UN resolutions.

Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal and his Turkish counterpart Ali Babacan continued talks on the topics discussed by the two leaders.

“King Abdullah’s second visit to Turkey within a year reflects the strong relations between the two countries,” said Gul. “The king enjoys great respect, love and trust in the Arab and Islamic world,” he said, adding that this would help him solve regional problems.

Gul commended King Abdullah’s peace proposal for the Middle East, which was relaunched by the last Arab summit in Riyadh. “Turkey is a partner of Saudi Arabia and other peace-loving countries in dealing with issues that will affect the region’s stability negatively,” he added.

The Turkish president said Saudi Arabia and his country were determined to combat terrorism in cooperation with the international community. “Our two countries play a significant role in the region’s stability,” he added.

Gul said the Saudi-Turkish economic relations had been steadily progressing in the past five years. “During this period, trade exchange tripled to $3.3 billion. Saudi Arabia offers a lot of investment opportunities for Turkish companies,” he said.

King Abdullah is accompanied by a high-level delegation including Prince Saud, intelligence chief Prince Muqrin, Labor Minister Ghazi Al-Gosaibi, Finance Minister Ibrahim Al-Assaf and Culture and Information Minister Iyad Madani.

The visit to Turkey is the fourth stop in the king’s European tour that has taken him to Britain, Italy and Germany.

“The views of our respective countries on Middle Eastern issues, primarily Iraq and the Palestinian problem, are not only similar but complementary,” said a statement from Gul’s office.

“The king’s visit is seen as especially significant with respect to establishing security and stability in Iraq, and protecting its territorial integrity during this process,” the statement added.

Turkey is threatening to conduct military raids into northern Iraq to strike at Turkey’s Kurdish rebels, who are using the region as a springboard for attacks on Turkish territory as part of their 23-year separatist campaign. Ankara accuses Iraqi Kurds of supporting the rebels and suspects they have ambitions to break away from Iraq.

King Abdullah’s visit also comes days before Palestinian and Israeli presidents Mahmoud Abbas and Shimon Peres arrive in Ankara. Turkey believes it has an important role to play in Middle East diplomacy, drawing on its close ties with both Israel and the Palestinians.

During his stay in Ankara, King Abdullah will decorate Gul and Erdogan with Saudi Arabia’s top medals, while Gul will present the king with Turkey’s highest medal. The two sides will also sign a deal preventing double taxation. Abdullah last came to Turkey in August 2006 — the first visit to Turkey by a Saudi monarch in 40 years.

Last week, Foreign Minister Babacan visited Arab countries, including Saudi Arabia, for talks on Middle East peace efforts and to explain his country’s military planning for an incursion into northern Iraq.

Earlier, speaking to the editors in chief of Saudi newspapers accompanying the king in Berlin, Foreign Minister Prince Saud said King Abdullah’s European tour was instrumental in strengthening relations with friendly countries.

Speaking about the king’s historic meeting with Pope Benedict XVI in the Vatican last week, he said the two sides had emphasized the need to promote a culture of tolerance and interfaith dialogue. Saudi Arabia has reiterated its stand on the Middle East peace conference called by US President George W. Bush, Saud said, adding that the conference should tackle core issues to make it a success. “We have felt that there is a general agreement to achieve this objective,” he added.

Source: Arab News

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King Urges Iran to Avoid Escalating Nuke Tension

BERLIN, 9 November 2007 — Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah yesterday called on Iran to avoid escalating its standoff with the West over its nuclear program and called for a solution that would allow Tehran to use atomic energy for peaceful purposes.

“It is our strong desire that the Middle East should be free from weapons of mass destruction including nuclear weapons. The world fears that Iran’s nuclear program would lead to it developing nuclear weapons,” King Abdullah said in an interview with German newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine.

“Iran has announced its nuclear program is intended for peaceful use. If this is the case, then we don’t see any justification for an escalation, confrontation and challenge, which only makes issues more complicated,” he said.

Elaborating on the recent proposal of Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal to create a consortium for all users of enriched uranium in the Middle East, King Abdullah said the offer envisaged “setting up a center in accordance with safety and environmental standards under International Atomic Energy Agency’s supervision.”

King Abdullah, who is currently on a European tour, arrived in Germany on a state visit on Wednesday.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel in a meeting offered her country’s full support to King Abdullah in his efforts to resolve global conflicts. The king also attended a banquet hosted by President Horst Koehler.

On the second day of his official visit yesterday, King Abdullah discussed various international issues with Merkel. The king conferred on Merkel the King Abdul Aziz Sash that is conferred on prime ministers and crown princes of friendly countries.

Earlier, the king visited Berlin’s famed Brandenburg Gate which stood for decades on the eastern side of the Berlin Wall that divided the city. The king also opened a two-day art exhibition organized by the Saudi Foreign Ministry in Berlin.

King Abdullah met with German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier. Steinmeier signed with his Saudi counterpart, Prince Saud Al-Faisal, a declaration of intent to hold regular foreign policy consultations. Saudi Finance Minister Ibrahim Al-Assaf signed an agreement to avoid double taxation with German Deputy Finance Minister Axel Nawrath.

The king also met with Norbert Lammert, president of Bundestag.

The king’s visit is part of a European tour that has already taken him to Britain, where he discussed terrorism and the Middle East peace process with Prime Minister Gordon Brown, and the Vatican where he met Pope Benedict XVI.

In his interview with Frankfurter Allgemeine, King Abdullah expressed the views of the Saudi government on wide ranging regional and international topics such as Saudi-German relations, the US-brokered Middle East peace conference and the situation in Iraq and Lebanon.

The king said the German people had every right to be proud of their country’s ancient history and civilization, which has been a tower of intellectual achievements. “It is illogical to slight the image of Germany and its history or to blame its people for the mistakes of a dark era in its history, the first victims of which were the German people besides the whole world. I think Germany managed to overcome this historical era to come back as a great country with its political, economic, cultural and intellectual achievements,” King Abdullah said.

On Turkish threats to launch attacks on Kurdish rebels in northern Iraq, King Abdullah said that the Kingdom condemned all forms and categories of terrorism. The king added that he hoped Turkey and Iraq would jointly strive to settle the issues peacefully.

Answering a question on the integration of Sunnis in the political life of Iraq, King Abdullah said that only a total national reconciliation of all groups, regardless of their political, religious and ethnic backgrounds, would lead to the stability, reconstruction, territorial integrity and independence of Iraq. “We have the impression that this goal has not yet been achieved on the domestic front,” the king said. He added that Iraq’s neighboring countries should help it achieve peace and avoid interfering in Iraq’s internal matters by stoking sectarian sentiments.

To a question on the chances of success of the proposed Annapolis conference sponsored by President George Bush to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, King Abdullah said everything depended on whether it would find a solution to ending the occupation and establishing an independent Palestinian state. “We hope that the conference would deal with core issues in a comprehensive manner with a predetermined time schedule. Then its success could be guaranteed,” he said.

The king hoped that Syria would play a constructive role in the peaceful resolution of Palestinian and Lebanese issues.

On the role played by Saudi Arabia in settling various issues in the region and international conflicts, the king said he did not consider it a burden for him to strive to resolve issues that threaten the security of the region or the world.

The king said that the Saudi government had succeeded in countering the threat of terror in the Kingdom. “But we will never stop until the evil has been uprooted completely with the will of God,” the king affirmed.

He said that the Kingdom would continue introducing reforms in all walks of life with the goal of achieving greater progress and welfare for the people.

The king said that with a rich civilization, a deep-rooted culture and vast human and material potential, Arabs could contribute to international progress in the 21st century.

King Abdullah starts his official tour of Turkey today. Top level visits between the two countries since King Faisal’s visit to Istanbul in 1966 have helped in strengthening mutual relations in areas of politics, economics and culture.

Turkey and Saudi Arabia play important roles in the Middle East as both share strategic, economic and religious interests in the region.

Both countries share views on countering terrorism and of making the Middle East free from all types of weapons of mass destruction.

More than 250, 000 Turks come to Saudi Arabia annually to perform Haj and Umrah. Saudi Arabia is also home to 100,000 Turkish nationals, working in different fields.

As many as 50,000 Saudi tourists visit Turkey annually. The volume of trade between the two countries is $3.3 billion, up from $300 million 24 years ago, according to the Turkish ambassador.

Source: Arab News

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Merkel Backs King’s Peace Initiatives
Khaled Almaeena

BERLIN, 8 November 2007 — Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah yesterday began a landmark state visit to Germany where Chancellor Angela Merkel offered her country’s full support to the king’s peace initiatives to resolve global conflicts.

“We know that you have dedicated your efforts to settle conflicts through peaceful means. We’ll cooperate with you in this area to solve all problems peacefully. This applies not only to your region but the whole world,” Merkel told the king.

King Abdullah’s talks with Merkel focused on the Middle East peace process and the Iran nuclear crisis. Merkel’s spokesman said that apart from bilateral issues and trade relations, the two leaders would discuss the Middle East conflict ahead of the peace conference called by US President George W. Bush later this month. The standoff over Iran’s nuclear enrichment program, the crisis in Pakistan and the situation in Afghanistan were other possible themes, he said.

Merkel was holding talks with the king in the chancellery ahead of a state banquet hosted by President Horst Koehler at his official Berlin residence, Schloss Bellevue. During the banquet, Koehler conferred on the king Germany’s highest medal while Abdullah gave the president the King Abdul Aziz Medallion of the First Order.

Abdullah will visit Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate and City Hall today before leaving the country tomorrow.

Merkel visited Riyadh in February, and Abdullah was last in Germany six years ago, as crown prince. Abdullah is on a European tour, his second after becoming king in August 2005. Previous stops on his current trip were London, Geneva and Rome, where he held a historic meeting with Pope Benedict XVI.

King Abdullah proposed the new Arab Peace Initiative, which was relaunched at the Arab summit in Riyadh in March, 2007. It offers Israel peace and normal ties if it withdraws from all land seized in the 1967 Six-Day War and allows for the creation of a Palestinian state and return of Palestinian refugees.

Merkel’s meeting with the Saudi monarch comes before leaving tomorrow for weekend talks with President Bush in Texas, which she says will focus on Iran’s nuclear program.

“I appreciate the great role being played by Germany at the European and international levels, and its contributions toward solving regional and global issues,” the king told Merkel while addressing a luncheon hosted by her at the chancellery.

Abdullah highlighted the problems facing the Middle East and sought Germany’s help to defuse the explosive situation in the region, remove weapons of mass destruction and enhance international cooperation to combat terrorism in order to reinforce peace and stability in the world.

“Germany with its strong economic and political position is qualified to play an effective role to establish peace in the world,” the king said. He also emphasized the Kingdom’s desire to strengthen cooperation with Germany. “I am confident that the future of Saudi-German relations will be bright,” he added.

On her part, Chancellor Merkel said the royal visit would take Saudi-German relations to new heights, not only in the economic sectors but also in areas of political, cultural and scientific importance.

Merkel commended the king for meeting Pope Benedict XVI at the Vatican on Tuesday during his visit to Italy. “We have been following up your meeting with the pope with great interest. It was a fruitful meeting and we know that you support interfaith dialogue to resolve all issues and problems,” she said. At the Vatican on Tuesday, Abdullah became the first Saudi king to have an audience with the pope.

Speaking to the Saudi Press Agency, former German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder expressed his appreciation of the great efforts being made by the king to promote the progress and prosperity of his people, and establish giant economic and scientific projects.

Schroeder said the king’s visit to Germany was highly important. Being an important country in the Middle East, Saudi Arabia has contributed to solving many issues and conflicts in the Islamic world, he said.

He noted King Abdullah’s efforts to reconcile Palestinian groups by inviting them for a meeting in Makkah. “Germany intends to have a strong strategic partnership relation with Saudi Arabia, considering its vital position in the Arab and Islamic world and its economic weight.”

Saudi Ambassador to Berlin Dr. Osama Shubokshi said the royal visit would strengthen Saudi-German relations, which date back to more than 78 years. “King Abdullah’s visit has political, economic and cultural importance,” he added.

Shubokshi also spoke of the efforts to stop anti-Saudi smear campaigns in the Western press by removing misconceptions about the Saudi position on violence, extremism and terrorism. He said he refuted allegations against the Kingdom while taking part in a number of seminars.

Source: Arab News

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Saudi-German Relations
King Abdullah Interviewed in Germany

Berlin, November 8 , SPA — The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz has given a wide-ranging interview to the German newspaper “Frankfurter Allgemeine” dealing with Saudi-German relations, the international situation in the globalization era, the Middle East peace conference, the Saudi Arabia’s efforts at the regional and international levels, international issues led by the situation in the Middle East region and Saudi Arabia’s role at various levels.

Following is the text of the interview of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques:

Frankfurter Allgemeine: Beginning your journey to Germany, how do you view Germany and what do you expect from Germany politically and economically? Does the history of Germany constitute a burden on our (Germany’s) image in the world?

King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz: Germany is a country of an ancient history and human civilization and a minaret of intellect. Its people have the right to be proud of it. It is illogical to diminish the image of Germany and its history or to blame its people for the mistake of a dark era it had lived and the German people were its first victim as the whole world suffered form the crimes of that era. I think Germany managed to overcome this historical era to come back as a great country with its political and economic status and contribute with great efforts to the support of international security and peace and human development. This is what we have felt through its membership and recent chairmanship of the European Union. During this period, there have been constant coordination and consultation at the level of efforts to solve the crises in our region and to bolster economic and cultural cooperation between our two countries.

Frankfurter Allgemeine: In a world where the power influence is currently shifting from the Western Europe to Asia and it is expected that the 21st century will be the century of China, can it also be the century of Arabs?

King Abdullah: I think that the globalization era we are currently living managed to cancel all political, economic and cultural borders among all countries of the world and as an international community, we have become to live in a world whose concepts transcend geographical borders and there is inter-action among its parts despite distances and various cultures. This requires from us to boost joint cooperation to achieve human development. With their civilization reservoir, deep-rooted culture and human and material capabilities, Arabs are no doubt qualified to tangibly, essentially and importantly contribute to and participate in the world of the 21st century.

Frankfurter Allgemeine: You have been calling for reaching a comprehensive and lasting solution for the Palestinian cause and you presented the peace initiative adopted by the Arab League. The conference which will be held next month in Annapolis as a new attempt to gather parties concerned with the cause, do you expect it to succeed?

King Abdullah: The US president’s initiative calling for holding the Middle East peace conference has an important element which is to tackle the main issues of the conflict which are to end the occupation: establish the independent and parts-joined Palestinian state; deal with the problem of refugees and Alquds; improve the state of the Palestinians and other issues constituting the core of the conflict. These positive elements have enjoyed the welcome of the kingdom and the Arab League. We hope the conference will deal with these core issues and be comprehensive in solving at all tracks according to a specific time table ensuring the success of the conference after the trials have proved failure of partial solutions which dealt with the consequences of the conflict and not its core. This will ensure the success of the conference since the US State Secretary has said that failure should not be an alternative. I think that it is time to move from the phase of talking about peace as a process to establishing peace as a reality through real and tangible steps.

Frankfurter Allgemeine: At the end of last week, an international conference was held in Istanbul to discuss ways of helping the Iraqis to restore security and stability. Do you notice any progress in this field – as the Iraqi government claims – and do you think that efforts made until now to integrate the Sunnis into the political life in Iraq are enough?

King Abdullah: There is a complete regional, Arab and international agreement on the goals of maintaining the security, stability and reconstruction of Iraq under the umbrella of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The only way to guarantee realizing this goal is to achieve concord and national reconciliation among all people of Iraq with all their political affiliations, religious and sectarian beliefs and ethnicities; equality among all of them with no exception in rights and duties; sharing of wealth and giving priority to the national interest regardless of narrow sectarian interests. We have the impression that this goal has not been achieved yet at the domestic front. Thus, the Iraqi government and people have a historic responsibility to double efforts to achieve national reconciliation. At the external front, the neighboring countries are required to promote these goals by not dealing with Iraq from a sectarian perspective and to help all Iraqis with no bias against any sect especially when it comes to providing financial and humanitarian help and other kinds of aid.

Frankfurter Allgemeine: Turkey is currently threatening to invade Iraq’s north to chase and fight the Kurdish rebels. What is the reaction of Saudi Arabia in this case?

King Abdullah: We condemn all forms of terrorism regardless of its sources or justifications and any infiltration across borders. We hope there will be joint efforts between Iraq and Turkey to stop these acts.

Frankfurter Allgemeine: On behalf of Gulf Cooperation Council, Saudi Foreign Minister – Prince Saud Al Faisal – presented a proposal for a multi-lateral mechanism to provide Iran with enriched uranium which it needs for its nuclear reactor. Do you think that all diplomatic efforts and economic sanctions will fail and inevitably a war between the West and Iran will eventually take place? Is a nuclear Iran a threat to the region and the world?

King Abdullah: We are keen to make the Middle East free from nuclear arms and weapons of mass destruction. The world fears that Iran’s nuclear program will lead to development of nuclear arms. Iran has announced that uses of its nuclear program are peaceful. If this is the case, we see no justification for the language of escalation, confrontation and challenge which only complicates matters more.

Therefore, we call for solving this crisis peacefully through dialogue among the parties to ensure Iran’s and any other country’s right in the peaceful use of nuclear energy according to standards of the International Atomic Energy Agency and under its supervision. These standards should be applied to all countries in the region with no exception.

The proposal to build a complex for enriching uranium in a neutral country is part of our diplomatic efforts to solve this crisis peacefully. This proposal is also to ensure building the complex according to the highest standards of human and environmental safety under the supervision and control of the International Atomic Energy Agency. It also ensures supplying countries with enough enriched uranium for their peaceful uses.

Frankfurter Allgemeine: In view of Lebanon’s failure to reach a solution for the presidency there, are you worried about the increased tension in Lebanon? What can Saudi Arabia provide for stability in Lebanon?

King Abdullah: The tension in Lebanon is a source of great concern for us all especially in view of the painful civil war which occurred there. Saudi Arabia is continuing its efforts at the bilateral level, through the Arab League and at the international level to solve the current disagreements and achieve national concord among the Lebanese. We hope the current efforts will solve the presidential election problem.

Frankfurter Allgemeine: Damascus has recently showed some positive signs with regard to Lebanon and Palestine. Do you actually see changes in Syria’s behavior and policies ?

King Abdullah: We hope and look forward to the Syrian role to be as a peace-maker, a supporter of a solution and an assistant in achieving unity either in Lebanon or Palestine.

Frankfurter Allgemeine: Saudi Arabia has recently played the role of a leader in the Arab world, has this formed a burden on you?

King Abdullah: The Kingdom does not seek leadership, but it undoubtedly is keen on shouldering its responsibilities and confronting the challenges facing it as a homeland, Arab world, Islamic nation and world economy.

We do not see a burden in confronting the urgent issues threatening the security of the region and the world or in the search for ways and means to enable our people to enjoy freedom and stability and to contribute to the comprehensive development of their society. We believe that this explains the meaning of responsibility and gives it reason and logic existence.

Frankfurter Allgemeine: Saudi Arabia began following serious and ambitious steps of reform in various fields. What are the next steps in this framework and what are your recommendations and advice to others in the fight against terrorism, especially the Kingdom has largely and unexpectedly succeeded in the fight against terrorism?

King Abdullah: The reform project in the Kingdom began with the foundation of Saudi modern state by late King Abdulaziz bin Abdulrahman who laid the frameworks of the cotemporary state. His sons, the Kings, marched on this way after him. The reform project is based on the principles of the Islamic Sharia, laws, purposes and Arab inherited traditions. It also pursues the principle of knowing prevailing views and trends in society. It is characterized by causing gradual and incremental changes in the infrastructures and the structures of the state institutions and the civil society leading to the comprehensiveness in presentation, integration in the implementation, timely programming and simultaneous preservation of the identity of the Saudi society and its deep-rooted and old heritage.

During the last two decades, Saudi Arabia has witnessed a number of reform steps which resulted in expanding the national participation in many political, economic, social, legal, administrative, educational and other fields allowed by the regulations of basic government; bolstering the role of the Shoura Council; the election of municipal councils and the emergence of many civil society institutions which support decision making and effectively participate in performing vital roles that government agencies alone can not perform.

The kingdom will continue its reforms in cohesion with the nature of life and requirements of our times which require movement, change and renewal toward the best, God willing.

On terrorism, it remains the overwhelming danger threatening our security as an entire international community, aiming at destabilizing our peoples and countries regardless of gender, religion, ethnicity or culture. In the kingdom, we achieved major steps in confronting this phenomenon due to unity of the Saudi people in the face of this phenomenon which is alien to Islamic values and ethics. We will not stop until we uproot this malignant scourge.

On bolstering international efforts to confront the phenomenon of terrorism, the kingdom hosted an international conference on fighting terrorism. Many countries of the world participated in it at the level of experts and specialists in their security sectors. The conference made many important and practical recommendations to develop international cooperation in fighting terrorism. We hope these recommendations will be implemented especially the one concerning the establishment of an international center for fighting terrorism allowing us to speedily exchange information, expertise and experiments in this field.

–SPA

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King, Pope Stress Peace, Justice
Khaled Almaeena

VATICAN CITY, 7 November 2007 — Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah held a historic meeting yesterday with Pope Benedict XVI and called for dialogue between Muslims, Christians and Jews in order to promote peace, justice and moral values.

The warmth exuded by the two leaders on a chilly morning set the tone for the day. Greeting the king with a smile, the pope was effusive and eloquent in his actions as he warmly welcomed the Saudi monarch. The two leaders clasped hands on meeting and smiled before embarking on their historic talks.

The king and the pope held talks for about 60 minutes in the pontiff’s library with the help of interpreters. Benedict spoke in Italian and the king in Arabic. The Vatican said the meeting was cordial.

During the meeting, King Abdullah emphasized that dialogue between religions and cultures was essential in order to promote tolerance, get rid of violence and achieve peace and security for all peoples.

The Vatican talks assume great importance as King Abdullah met the pope, the leader of Roman Catholics, as custodian of the Two Holy Mosques.

“This is a historic meeting. It provides an opportunity for a meaningful Muslim-Christian dialogue,” said an Italian observer. An Italian woman, who has been a Vatican observer for years, said: “The pope is viewed as a conservative right-wing person. Though he is dogmatic, it should be noted that he did oppose the war in Iraq.”

Several people in the media were of the view that it is important to maintain the lines of communication at the highest level so that no misunderstanding can occur. An Italian banker said: “This meeting will go a long way to removing misconception that people of both faiths have about each other.” Abdullah, who is the first Saudi king to have an audience with a pope, has emphasized the need for an international cultural dialogue to eradicate malicious thoughts. He also urged Italy to play a greater role in resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict. The king and the pope emphasized the need for interfaith and intercultural dialogue among Christians, Muslims and Jews “for the promotion of peace, justice and spiritual and moral values, especially in support of the family,” the Vatican said.

Both sides also emphasized the need for a “just solution” to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

“Views were exchanged on the situation in the Middle East and on the need to find a just solution to the conflicts affecting the region, especially that between Israelis and Palestinians,” the Vatican added.

King Abdullah and Pope Benedict also stressed that violence and terrorism have no religion or nation. “All countries and peoples should work together to eradicate terrorism,” they added.

Benedict has said he wants to reach out to all countries that do not have diplomatic relations with the Holy See. The Vatican’s official newspaper L’Osservatore Romano said the Vatican hoped the meeting would produce a frank dialogue between the two sides. There are hundreds of thousands of Christian guest workers in Saudi Arabia.

Abdullah, who arrived here on Monday on the second leg of a European tour, also met separately with the Vatican Secretary of State Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone. Abdullah had visited the Vatican twice before as crown prince and deputy prime minister.

At the end of the meeting, Abdullah presented Benedict with a traditional Middle Eastern gift — a golden sword studded with jewels — as well as a gold and silver statue of a palm tree and a man riding a camel. The king received a 16th-century engraving of the Vatican from the pope.

Benedict sparked anger in the Muslim world in September last year when he delivered a speech which was interpreted as linking Islam to violence. He said he was misunderstood and regretted offending Muslims. Since then, he has met a number of Islamic leaders and a year ago visited predominantly Muslim Turkey. The Vatican has said it wants to pursue a dialogue with moderate Muslims.

“The Vatican authorities expressed their hope for the prosperity of all the inhabitants of the country (Saudi Arabia), and mention was made of the positive and industrious presence of Christians,” the Vatican statement said.

L’Osservatore Romano in an article published ahead of the meeting said the spirit of the talks could be best summed up with the words: “Know each other, know each other, know each other. Each one of us has always something to learn from someone else.”

Yesterday’s meeting came just weeks after 138 Muslim clerics and intellectuals wrote a letter to Benedict and other Christian leaders, urging greater understanding and respect between Muslims and Christians.

King Abdullah and Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi later attended a meeting of the Saudi-Italian Business Council.

Trade exchange between the two countries amounted to $8.3 billion in 2006 with Saudi exports reaching $5.3 billion. The king also visited the Municipality of Rome.

Expatriates in the Kingdom welcomed the king’s meeting with the pope and said it would promote high-level dialogue between the two religions.

German Consul General Michael Zickerick said: “King Abdullah’s meeting the head of the Catholic Church is a very good step. Both are spiritual and world leaders and any kind of contact and dialogue between the two is helpful. I believe that a lot can come out of this meeting in the context of the present situation between Christians and Muslims.”

Ethiopian Consul General Tekleab Kebede said he was very happy at the Vatican meeting. “This is a clear indication that there is good intention and willingness and openness to communicate between all faiths. It is a big breakthrough for communication and tolerance,” he added.

For George Vilson of Nanma, a cultural organization, it was an epoch-making meeting and would promote religious harmony. “This will pave the way for high-level interfaith dialogue and King Abdullah should be congratulated for taking this initiative,” he added.

Erik Asi, an electrical engineer, said King Abdullah’s meeting with the pope was a good sign. “It symbolizes the message that religion is not a barrier to promoting understanding.”

Ces Espia, a teacher, said King Abdullah’s traveling to Rome was a big thing. “It reflects the king’s search for unity and brotherhood. Although he comes from the Islamic world, where religion is sine qua non to the Islamic way of life, he has not deemed it a barrier to his search for things that matter to his people,” he added.

Ron Jacobe, an accountant in Riyadh, emphasized the importance of dialogue between religions to achieve world peace.

“Unfortunately the history of the relationship between Islam and Christianity is clouded with conflicts and misunderstandings. Though the latter part of the 20th century contributed a lot to the prevailing intellectual atmosphere accepting polyphony and pluralism as the hall mark of contemporary world, the inter-religious relationships never wholly abandoned the medieval parameters of mistrust and hate. This is a major cause for concern for all who believe in peaceful coexistence and possible united efforts for peace and justice,” said P.J.J. Antony.

“Under these circumstances King Abdullah’s bold initiative is a historical step toward nurturing fraternal ties between the world’s two major religions which trace their paternal origins to Prophet Abraham. The meeting between King Abdullah and Pope Benedict is destined to pave way for increased tolerance and better understanding between Islam and Christianity. Both leaders have much in common as both are conservative in faith but willing to go the extra mile for peace and harmony hence I have real hopes about the positive consequences of this epoch-making meeting. I personally look forward to better religious conditions for Muslim minorities in Christian majority nations and vice versa,” Antony said.

Miguel Constantino, a waiter in Jeddah, said it was hard to believe (that the king and pope have met) but it was a good way of closing the gap between Muslims and Christians.

Ahmad Al-Ghamdi, head of the media department of the Jeddah Municipality, said King Abdullah’s visit to the Vatican was a good step that will promote dialogue between Muslims and the whole world. “The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques is the first Muslim leader at this time to take initiatives for promoting peace and this visit is a fine example,” he added.

Amjad Zamzami, Saudi employee of a private company, said: “King Abdullah made us all proud with this visit, because it is time to show the world that we don’t hate anyone.” He said that such a visit was highly important especially during this time, when the gap got wider between Muslims and the rest of the world.

Fawaz Al-Zahrani, 35, a Saudi Qur’an teacher at a public high school, said it was a good idea for the king to visit the Vatican especially at a time when the picture of Islam is distorted. “It goes to show Muslim good will.”

Abdullah Khoojah, 27, a Saudi architect in a Jeddah-based consultancy company, said that many people around the world have a negative impression of Islam and have related it to hate and terrorism and this visit would eventually help in clearing that image.

“It would surely reflect a positive reaction and pave the way in the long run toward clarifying Islam and its message of peace,” he said.

“The visit is a bit late. It should have happened long ago,” said Osama Al-Aqqad, Saudi communication manager at a multimedia company. He said that Muslims and their leaders should have projected the correct image of Islam long before it got distorted. “We should have had more religious and cultural understanding with the rest of the world instead of waiting for a reason to do it,” he noted.

— Additional input from P.K. Abdul Ghafour, K.S. Ramkumar, Hasan Hatrash and Francis Salud in Jeddah, Rodolfo C. Estimo Jr. and Bien Custodio in Riyadh, and Dinan Arana in Dammam.

Source: Arab News

Related Items:

King Abdullah Completes British Visit – SUSRIS IOI – Nov 3, 2007

Editor’s Note

King Abdullah ended a four-day state visit to London on Thursday that was marked by ceremonies, government to government meetings and criticism from among British media and politicians. SUSRIS will mark the close of this portion of King Abdullah’s European visits — Italy, Germany and Turkey lie ahead — with a wrap-up assessment by Walid Al Saqaf as well as a compilation of related reports in the links section below.

Triumph for Saudi-UK diplomacy
By Walid Al Saqaf

A quick glance at the editorials in the UK would reveal a sense of discomfort in the British media by the visit of Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz to the country.

The negative sentiment in the British press was clear enough for all to see. I presume that the King himself must have realised some Britons weren’t as hospitable when he looked through the window of the gilded horse-drawn state couch he was riding, and spotted dozens of protestors carrying signs blasting the Kingdom for “human rights violations” among other things.

While being welcomed by protesters shouting words such as “murderers”, “torturers”, Kind Abdullah reflected the positive side of the British Society, which he described as “tolerant of all ethnicities, religions and colours”.

But what is ironic is the contrast between the critical protests and media coverage and the lavish official reception he had. The level of luxury that was on display was an undeniable gesture that is universally translated to “Welcome, we’re honoured to have you here”. Hence, it may be wise to pause for a while and think about the reasons for such a split.

The British public, as the case with the American public, has been fed a stereotype about Saudi Arabia and Arabs in general.

Studies and researches have confirmed that a significant bulk of the citizens in Western countries hold negative views of Muslims and Arabs whether it is concerning human rights, extremism, or other aspects. This I believe would have been even more evident after September 11, 2001.

The fact that the nationality of most of the hijackers of the planes that struck the US on 9/11 turned out to be Saudis made things worse and played into the hands of the media.

As a Saudi, Osama Bin Laden was directly linked to his country’s culture and identity by many Western media, particularly conservative ones such as Fox News, which ranks first in viewership in the US.

So it may not be surprising to see protesters angry by their government’s action in having the head of Saudi Arabia hosted in such a lavish fashion.

On the other hand, the UK, the US and all Western countries accept for a fact that stability in Saudi Arabia is vital for their oil-dependent economies. Being the producer of almost a quarter of the world’s exportable oil, Saudi Arabia is certainly not a country to mess around with.

Many industrial countries are already suffering by an unprecedented uptrend in oil prices. The price of crude oil has reached a staggering $95 per barrel rate last week and is expected to go even higher. This is certainly not the best time to appease a few protesters at the expense of relations with the Saudi regime.

The UK didn’t even publicly confront the Saudi King’s recent remarks, in which he criticised Britain for not acting on warnings the Saudis have given to prevent the July 2005 terrorist attacks in London.

His criticism was so blunt when he said in a BBC interview, “I believe most countries are not taking this issue too seriously including, unfortunately, Great Britain”.

Although the AFP news agency had noted a mild reaction in the form of a denial by the Foreign Office and domestic security service MI5, other than that, there was nothing.

Recent reforms

On the other hand, the UK and other Western countries are probably observing the recent reforms carried out by King Abdullah. The latest law of succession, although not relevant to human rights, is a reform measure intended to secure stability in the long run, which I believe is the top priority for the industrial world.

Perhaps to avoid spoiling the celebratory atmosphere of the visit, the UK government lowered the expectations of human rights advocates. The Foreign Office official said that human rights in general would be raised during the visit but there will be “no specific human rights issues that we expect to dominate the next two days”.

To put it in a nutshell, it is naive to think that the first visit by a Saudi king, since 20 years, would not result in a split or even a controversy. But on the other hand, the visit also serves as a clear reminder of the approach the West usually pursues to tackle problems and challenges they face with countries, whose stability is important.

Any Briton concerned about the UK’s role in promoting human rights, etc, does have a right to protest. But he is most likely to receive a cold response from the government, which in turn could explain its point of view in one word “realism”.

Indeed, centuries of experience in colonisation and wars may have taught Britain one valuable lesson, “be realistic and pursue diplomacy to achieve your goals”.

After all, didn’t they once say, “Diplomacy is the art of letting other people achieve your ends”?

Walid Al Saqaf is an information communications technology and media consultant.

Published in Gulf News on Nov. 2, 2007

Related:

• Saudi Arabia’s King Hits a Few Bumps in His Visit to Britain
• Triumph for Saudi-UK diplomacy
• Saudi’s difficult journey to reform

Editor’s Note

This is the fourth and final SUSRIS item produced as a result of Thomas Lippman’s visit with the Tennessee World Affairs Council. In this presentation Mr. Lippman, author of “Inside the Mirage: America’s Fragile Partnership with Saudi Arabia,” provides an overview of developments in the Kingdom in an interview with Christine Buttorff of Nashville Public Radio. The interview was conducted on the last day of Mr. Lippman’s September 24-27, 2007 tour of Middle Tennessee as a distinguished visiting speaker to universities, schools and civic organizations, organized by the Tennessee World Affairs Council.

[Other interviews and reports, audio versions, photos and related links - click here]

Nashville Public Radio: I would like to start with an overview because I think a lot of Tennesseans may not know a lot about Saudi Arabia.

Thomas Lippman: I would say I know a lot more about Saudi Arabia than most Americans, but very little, because it is an impenetrable society. But please ask any questions you want, I am here to answer your questions.

NPR: Lets start with the governmental structure. It’s ostensibly a monarchy..

Lippman: Well it is a mistake to think of it as an absolute monarchy. It’s a monarchy in that there is a king and a crown prince, but essentially it’s run by a family. People often say it’s the world’s largest family owned business.

It’s run by the al Saud family. They chose the king. All kings since 1953 have been sons of the founding king, King Abdul Aziz ibn Saud. All kings for the foreseeable future will be sons or grandsons of the founding king. But the king doesn’t just issue orders. He has to build consensus within the family and he has to build consensus with the religious establishment of Saudi Arabia.

If you read the constitution of Saudi Arabia – the Basic Law – the purpose of the state is not the enhancement of individual rights or the promotion of individual opportunity. It is the promulgation of Islam. And the state is run on the basis of a bargain between the power of the royal family and the influence — cultural and religious and behavioral — of the religious leadership and everything that’s done is pretty much done on the basis of agreement between those two forces.

NPR: And one of their main charges is protecting and overseeing the holy sites?

Lippman: Absolutely. The king’s official title is Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, which refers to the mosques of Mecca and Medina. Since the time of the Prophet Mohammed in the seventh century they have been the holiest places in Islam. They are in western Saudi Arabia just outside the port city of Jeddah. Those are the places to which Muslim pilgrims from all over the world go during the annual Muslim pilgrimage season. That’s a duty that all Muslims that are physically able must fulfill at least once in their lifetimes.

All Saudi citizens must be Muslims. Public practice of any other religion is prohibited, and no one can become a Saudi citizen who is not Muslim.

NPR: So how is the push towards democracy fitting in with the family structure and the centralized state religion?

Lippman: I don’t think there is much of a push toward democracy in Saudi Arabia, certainly not by the United States. For reasons having to do with economics and geopolitics President Bush, like all his predecessors, has decided to back off on trying to interfere with Saudi Arabia’s internal affairs.

We have other issues with Saudi Arabia that matter more — whether it’s stability in Iraq or the price of oil or, as it was during the cold war, opposition to the spread of Communism in the Middle East.

However, within Saudi Arabia itself society is changing. Things are happening around the edges. They don’t affect the basic institutions of power. But people, mostly women — half the graduates coming out of Saudi universities now are female. If you have been going there as long as I have, I first went there more than 30 years ago, you can see the pressure coming from this new generation of educated Saudi women to do things a little differently in Saudi society; to provide more economic and social and, eventually, even political opportunities for them.

That’s what was behind the petition signed by more than 1000 women last week that was sent to the King, saying the time has come to allow women to drive. That petition will not be granted. Not right away. It’s the kind of a society where if you ask they sort of have to say no. But eventually it will come.

NPR: Have you seen other progress with women’s issues in terms of the right to vote. Weren’t they allowed to vote?

Lippman: No, they were not. There was a lot of talk right up until the last minute. For the first time since the 1950s they had elections in 2005. Some of the municipal councils in the country were elected.

Some people said it didn’t matter because the municipal councils don’t have any real power. But they have some power. Right up until the last minute it was not clear whether women would be allowed to vote or not. At the end of the day they were not allowed to vote because, I think, the rulers felt that had they been, that would have become the issue itself. It would have been a very incendiary gesture in the Saudi context. It’s a very conservative society. It is widely believed that in the next round which, I think, is next year, women will be allowed to participate in some way.

Where I see the change coming is in the issues of families, society and labor. What’s happened is that the women have forced into the open, forced into public discussion in the media and public forums issues that matter to them that were always taboo. Beginning with spousal abuse and child neglect, and including various diseases and issues that they’ve always pretended they didn’t have to deal with. Women now are taking jobs in, promoting awareness of, working to combat, social problems that are inherent in any society even in one that considers itself the perfect Muslim society like Saudi Arabia.

NPR: If we could change the subject just a little bit and talk about how the Saudi economy is impacting the society itself. I’ve heard that, and correct me if this is not true, but that there are a lot of slums and “favela” type neighborhoods right outside Riyadh. So, is the welfare state trickling down through to the bottom?

Lippman: There are, “favela” is a good term if people know what that is. “Favela” is essentially Brazilian slums right? They are shantytowns. Most of those, though, are not occupied by Saudi Arabs; most of those are occupied by the vast legions of imported labor who do all the heavy lifting in Saudi Arabia.

Because Saudi Arabia got rich basically overnight it never went through the intermediate stages of development that we and the Europeans went through with the Industrial Revolution and the development of mechanized agriculture and progress — slow progress — in transportation.

One day they had nothing, the next day they were drowning in cash, virtually overnight. And so rather than do the heavy lifting, you know, carrying their own concrete, they imported labor and it’s a huge problem in Saudi Arabia even to this day. They went straight from illiteracy to too many PhD’s, because everybody wants to be Doctor, and it’s not necessarily productive.

This is a problem that the Saudis have been wrestling with, really since the 1970s. Just yesterday, the Saudi government announced that for its fiscal year, which just ended, they had a budget surplus of $77 billion. That’s the highest ever. So that right now, with oil at $80 a barrel, Saudi Arabia is once again flush with cash.

The reason this matters is that for the past 20 or 30 years, as rich as Saudi Arabia was, the population has been growing faster than the economy. So the GDP per capita in Saudi Arabia is only about 40% of what it was back at the end of the 1970s. That has created a lot of frustration among the people who are not cashing in. On one of my recent trips to Riyadh I was shocked to see beggars in the street. I had never seen that in Saudi Arabia. Newspapers write about this and it has put a terrible strain, even with all the money available, on public services that the Saudis have come to take for granted — medical care, even on the schools. They build schools and hospitals and they don’t have enough people to staff them.

They are always looking for ways to provide non-oil jobs that Saudi people will take. At the same time any serious Saudi person that you talk to recognizes that they can’t go on excluding half the educated work force, namely the women, from the economy. In my opinion everything that they have done so far has essentially nibbled at the margin of these problems. My favorite example is the light bulb factory where all the employees are women. So perhaps they created 50 jobs for women, but it is a completely artificial situation. It’s the long answer to what should be a short question. Yes they have plenty of money. No they don’t have an economic structure that allows them, or forces them, to put their personal power to the most productive use.

NPR: With all that money I would imagine Saudi Arabia has a fair amount of influence over the countries in the Middle East. We know it definitely has influence over international markets with OPEC, but have you seen changes in that influence, whether it goes up or down?

Lippman: I’ve seen a lot of changes in that influence in several ways. The most dramatic change has come in the last five years, since 9-11, when suddenly the Saudis were under pressure.. ..the Saudis essentially had been exporting their religious and social attitudes through the mosques and schools of poorer countries for the past 25 years — into places like Somalia and poorer neighboring countries and even to South Asia and Central Asia. Let’s say ideas — about life, religion and society that we would find, would be uncomfortable with, let’s put it as politely as possible — were exported because the Saudis had huge amounts of money that they could pump into building mosques and providing the people to preach at them, and the teachers to teach at the schools.

That has changed drastically since 9-11 as they tried to stop essentially the outflow of hatred. The question of the political influence has changed. Back in the 60’s and 70’s the standard model was that you had certain Arab countries allied basically with Moscow, mainly Egypt under Nasser, and Iraq under the early Baathists and you had the ones that were all allied with us, led by Saudi Arabia.

That model is entirely in flux now. There is no more Soviet Union. The United States for various reasons is in disfavor. We can’t count on nor can we expect the Saudis to carry our water for us in ways that they used to, nor do they wish to.

So the question of Saudi influence is one that is in a state of evolution. Part will depend on what happens in Iraq. Part will depend if they can find a modus vivendi with Iran.

We did see, though, the power of Saudi influence at the recent Arab summit conference, when all the countries of the Arab League reaffirmed support for the Saudi plan for peace with Israel. Peace between the Arabs and Israel. A lot of them don’t like it but the Saudis have floated that and made it stick. They do exert a lot of influence.

NPR: They are scheduled to have another conference and Hamas called on Saudi Arabia to not attend?

Lippman: President Bush and the United States are trying to put together a major regional conference that will make real progress on the subject of peace between Israel and the Palestinians — a deal between Israel and the Palestinians.

Hamas, which for benefit of your audience, essentially consists of the militant wing of the Palestinian movement and is in control of the Gaza strip. Hamas opposes any such move. They are opposed to the existence of Israel. They don’t want to make peace with Israel, and they certainly are opposed to a conference that would be under American sponsorship. They would prefer that the Saudis not attend.

This is a very difficult question for the Saudis. And they have made clear, their Foreign Minister Prince al Faisal has said that the Saudis will attend if they are convinced that it will make a substantive difference and the ball will really be moved down the field.

NPR: As far as the Saudi Arabian plan for the Israeli-Palestinian question, what does that entail exactly.

Lippman: In simplest form it says that if the Israelis return to the borders that existed before the 1967 war — give up the occupied territories; and if some arrangements acceptable to the Palestinians can be made — some gesture that the Palestinians can swallow toward the question of the return of Palestinian refugees, which would be very hard to do; if they can do that then it is game over, the war ends. Then the Arabs collectively will, you might say, hold their noses and accept the existence of Israel and agree to do business with it the way Egypt and Jordan already have.

That’s the deal. It’s a very hard deal for Israel to accept because going back to the 1967 borders would be a political earthquake in Israel. It would allow the Syrians to return to the eastern shores of the Sea of Galilee and frankly the Palestinian and the Arab record on the subject is not encouraging.

The Israelis know perfectly well that Hezbollah has said for years that its only program was to get the Israelis out of south Lebanon. The Israelis left south Lebanon and Hezbollah went down there and opened fire on Israel. The Palestinians said they wanted Israel out of the occupied territories. The Israelis pulled out of Gaza and the result was the Palestinians opened fire on Israel when they had full control of Gaza. That record is not encouraging. And to ask the Israelis essentially to gamble the security of their state and the safety of their people on the promises on a collection of unstable governments that they regard as hostile and unreliable is very difficult. On the other hand what’s the choice? Do they want to live as a garrison state for another three generations? Certainly the Saudis don’t want that — the Saudis want to get this issue off the table.

NPR: When was the last time you were in the Middle East.

Lippman: I was there in May of this year.

NPR: How have you seen US attitudes towards Saudi Arabia change over time? There is a new movie coming out called “The Kingdom.” I’m sure you have heard about that. How is that going to influence US perceptions?

Lippman: For as far back as I can remember, going back to the Paul Newman movie “Exodus,” American popular culture has portrayed the Israelis as plucky little, violin playing, jazz loving Davids, against the incompetent hostile Arabs.

Believe me, everyone in the Arab world remembers the scene in “Raiders of the Lost Ark” when the [sword waving] Arab comes after Harrison Ford and “Indy” takes out his pistol and blows him away. This is emblematic of what Arabs think American attitudes are. And to a great extent I think they are right.

You know, we grew up in a tradition where the Israelis were our guys. We don’t know much about the Arabs. Our traditions, for most Americans, our traditions, our food, our music, our grandparents, our religion came from Europe, not the Arabian Peninsula. That’s changing as we have more Muslims in this country, as more Americans become Muslims.

9-11 was a huge factor in this as I’m sure you know, particularly in regards to Saudi Arabia. It was “open season” on Saudi Arabia and you can argue whether it was deserved or not, but it was ”open season” on Saudi Arabia for a couple of years after that. That has settled down now, and I think certain events over time are changing the way we think about this.

The Israelis did themselves no favor with the Hezbollah war last summer. Nobody can understand the point of that war. More and more Americans are doing business with the Arab world. That’s where the money is.

In fact I just got some statistics this morning and right here in Tennessee — in 2001 Tennessee exported $48 million worth of goods and services just to Saudi Arabia. In 2006 that figure was $346 million. And that’s just one state in this country. Can you imagine how many people are doing business with Saudi Arabia?

So I think Americans are less dug in on some of the ways that they look at that part of the world. Now, I don’t know what the long-term influence on American thinking will be about Arabs, in general, because of Iraq. It’s too early to tell.

NPR: What about issues like the Dubai ports deal?

Lippman: Personally I thought it was outrageous. Here is something to think about. There is an office building in southwest Washington, DC near Fort McNair, a big office building. It is the headquarters of the United States Coast Guard. It is owned by Kuwaitis. So what was up with the security risks of Dubai Ports World? Dubai Ports World is an internationally respected company.

I thought there was a lot of political pandering to presumed fears about Arabs sneaking into our country and blowing people up. I understand why some people were amenable to that argument but I think you are going to see it differently now with this bid of Dubai to take over the NYMEX. Except for Senator Schumer, nobody is going to get up on his high horse of security righteousness on that one. I think that with the Dubai Ports thing people, such as Senator Schumer and even Senator Clinton, tapped into a string of, not hostility to but, suspicion of Arabs that’s not far below the surface. I would hope we would get over that.

NPR: In your time here over the last few days — I know you have been teaching in a lot of classes, and I imagine hearing from a lot of people — has there been a common concern or common question that people are asking you about?

Lippman: Yes, and I have to say I’ve been surprised by what it was. It was not so much among tenth graders, you know, who didn’t venture political opinions. But among the university students, the civic club groups, individuals that I have met through the Tennessee World Affairs Council, I found deep hostility to, and anger about, and disgust with, the war in Iraq. Quite wide spread. I hear that all the time in Washington. I didn’t expect to find it so much in central Tennessee.

Now maybe it’s just that people who feel differently about Iraq didn’t come to my events but I’ve had structured and unstructured conversations. They touched on a wide range of subjects. Many people are interested in the basic issues of women’s rights and human rights in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere in the Arab world, but if I had to say one thing that I came away with is that people are fed up with the war in Iraq.

NPR: Is there one thing that you want to impart to Tennesseans here?

Lippman: What I want to impart to Tennesseans is that the outside world matters, and the Middle East matters a lot. I understand very well that it sometimes seems confusing to the point of being nightmarish. We at the Middle East Institute, the Tennessee World Affairs Council and other organizations, we are here to help make sense of it. There are ways to come to grips with these very thorny topics.

Information and opportunities are available. I was very encouraged by the creation of the Tennessee World Affairs Council, by the enthusiasm and inquiries I got from student groups, by meeting Saudi students at Tennessee Tech who say they have been very well received, so it matters.

NPR: Well thank you very much.

[Mr. Lippman was interviewed at the Nashville Public Radio studios on September 27, 2007.]

ABOUT

Thomas W. Lippman is an adjunct scholar at the Middle East Institute in Washington. In four years as the Washington Post’s Middle East bureau chief, three years as the Post’s oil and energy reporter and a decade as the newspaper’s national security and diplomatic correspondent, he traveled extensively to Saudi Arabia. He is the author of Inside the Mirage: America’s Fragile Partnership with Saudi Arabia, Madeleine Albright and the New American Diplomacy, Understanding Islam, and Egypt After Nasser. A writer and journalist specializing in U.S. foreign policy and Middle Eastern affairs, he lives in Washington, DC.

[Mr. Lippman was interviewed in the editorial offices of SUSRIS.org in Cookeville, Tennessee on September 27, 2007.]

ABOUT

The Middle East Institute — “Since 1946 the Middle East Institute has been an important conduit of information between Middle Eastern nations and American policymakers, organizations and the public. We strive to increase knowledge of the Middle East among our own citizens and to promote understanding between the peoples of the Middle East and America. Today we play a vital and unique role in expanding the dialogue beyond Washington, DC, and actively with organizations in the Middle East..”

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“Inside the Mirage: America’s Fragile Partnership with Saudi Arabia,” by Thomas Lippman

Mr. Lippman’s Visit to Tennessee — Other interviews and reports, audio versions, photos and related links

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Discovery! The Search for Arabian Oil – Wallace Stegner – Foreword by Thomas Lippman – SUSRIS IOI – Sep 18, 2007

Determined to Remain Friends – A Conversation with Thomas Lippman – Exclusive – SUSRIS Interview – Aug 7, 2007

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Anniversary of Historic Meeting between Ibn Saud and FDR – Feb 14, 2007

Region in Crisis: Fine Lines and Consequences – A Conversation with Thomas W. Lippman – SUSRIS Interview – Aug 2, 2006

Crawford Summit Perspective: A Conversation with Thomas Lippman – SUSRIS Interview – May 9, 2005

Insight on the Kingdom from the Author of Inside the Mirage — A Conversation with Thomas Lippman – Part One – SUSRIS Interview – March 30, 2005

Insight on the Kingdom from the Author of Inside the Mirage — A Conversation with Thomas Lippman – Part Two – SUSRIS Interview – Apr 18, 2005

U.S.-Saudi Relations: A Glass Half Empty, Or Half Full? – An Interview With Thomas Lippman – Exclusive – SUSRIS Interview – Aug 28, 2004

Thomas Lippman – “Inside The Mirage” – US-Saudi Relations — SAIS Panel – SUSRIS IOI – Dec 16, 2003

UK Greets Abdullah With Pomp, Pageant
Arab News

LONDON, 31 October 2007 — Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah received a red carpet welcome from Queen Elizabeth II yesterday as he began a state visit to the UK, the first by a Saudi king in 20 years. The queen, alongside her husband Prince Philip and Prime Minister Gordon Brown, formally welcomed King Abdullah at Horse Guards Parade in central London, where he inspected a guard of honor.

The two monarchs then proceeded up the Mall, festooned with British and Saudi flags, to Buckingham Palace in an ornate gold and black carriage drawn by six white horses. The Queen later hosted a private lunch at Buckingham Palace in honor of Abdullah, attended by the Duke of Edinburgh and heir-to-the-throne Prince Charles as well as the delegation accompanying the king.

After a day of ceremony, King Abdullah will meet Prime Minister Brown today to discuss counterterrorism, Iran, the Middle East peace process, Iraq and Lebanon, sources told Arab News. A spokeswoman for Brown’s Downing Street office said Monday that the prime minister would “raise issues he believes to be appropriate” with the king.

King Abdullah arrived here on Monday on the first leg of a European tour, which will also take him to Italy, Germany and Turkey. He leaves London tomorrow.

A Foreign Office official, speaking on condition of anonymity, played down King Abdullah’s remarks in a BBC interview on Monday that Saudi Arabia had conveyed intelligence to Britain that could have prevented the 2005 London bombings, which killed 52 commuters.

At Buckingham Palace, King Abdullah, accompanied by Queen Elizabeth, visited an exhibition of gifts, messages and pictures of political importance. The king looked at some of the letters exchanged by Saudi and British leaders since the time of King Abdul Aziz as well as gifts presented by the Kingdom to British leaders.

The BBC reported yesterday that King Abdullah’s visit showed how Saudi Arabia had become one of the UK’s closest allies in the Middle East, with the relationship going beyond security and trade.

Last month, Saudi Arabia signed a huge deal for the purchase of 72 Typhoon fighter jets from Britain, reflecting the strong military and economic ties between the two countries.

British Foreign Office Minister Kim Howells yesterday opened an exhibition highlighting Saudi-British historic relations at the Victoria & Albert Museum. Organized by the Saudi Ministry of Culture and Information, the photo exhibition is being held to mark the king’s historic visit to the UK.

Saudi Culture and Information Minister Iyad Madani said the exhibition reflected the strong relations between Saudi Arabia and the UK. He emphasized the role of cultural exchanges in removing stereotypes in the minds of people about other societies.

He highlighted Saudi Arabia’s cultural progress over the past years. “More than 400 new Saudi novels have been published during the last few years,” he said, adding that Saudi novels are in big demand in neighboring Arab countries.

In his speech, Howells underscored the strong relations between Saudi Arabia and his country. He noted Riyadh’s efforts to promote peace in the Middle East and narrow the differences of parties involved in the Arab-Israeli conflict.

The exhibition included some rare photographs provided by the King Abdul Aziz Public Library in Riyadh.

Speaking to reporters later, Madani said cultural relations between peoples were essential for promoting economic and political relations between countries. He said the Supreme Commission for Tourism in Saudi Arabia would sign a cooperation agreement with the British Museum. He also disclosed plans to hold a Saudi cultural week in Azerbaijan soon.

The Two Kingdoms Dialogue, which began here on Monday, ended its deliberations that focused on ways of strengthening political, economic and educational cooperation between the two countries.

The participants discussed the challenges facing young men and women in both countries and emphasized the need for inculcating moderate ideas and tolerant concepts in their minds. The dialogue also focused on expanding cooperation between Saudi and British universities and prospects for setting up Saudi-British technical training institutes in the Kingdom.

Nasser Al-Ghafees, governor of the General Organization for Technical Education and Vocational Training, said the annual forum also discussed the possibility of training trainers of the organization’s colleges and institutes.

“The two countries will sign a memorandum of understanding on technical education and vocational training during the king’s visit,” Ghafees told the Saudi Press Agency.

The king will have a separate meeting with Prince Charles at Clarence House when the Prince of Wales will brief the king on his charitable activities. King Abdullah will then attend a banquet tonight held by the Lord Mayor at which the Duke of York will represent the queen.

The queen and the Duke of Edinburgh will bid farewell to their royal guest tomorrow. King Abdullah has paid previous official visits to Britain in 1973, 1984, 1988 and 1998. This is Abdullah’s first official visit to Britain after he became king.

Source: Arab News

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• King’s Visit to Take UK Ties to New Heights
• Saudi king’s state visit to Britain faces protests and boycotts
• Saudi visit to seal ties with UK
• Saudi King: We Warned U.K. Of 2005 Bombing

Editor’s Note:

The 16th Annual Arab US-Policymakers Conference closed yesterday following two days of insightful presentations and speeches fitting to the topic: Revisiting Arab-U.S. Strategic Relations: Geo-Political, Energy, Defense Cooperation, and Developmental Dynamics.

Today we are pleased to offer an index of audio recordings for AUSPC 2007 sessions that may be of interest to SUSRIS readers. These links will take you to the SUSRIS web site where you can access audio files from many of the presentations. As transcripts become available they will be posted, with some distributed as SUSRIS “Items of Interest.” Check the SUSRIS articles index in the coming days, or keep an eye open for SUSRIS e-newsletters arriving at your inbox.

The AUSPC is presented by the National Council on US-Arab Relations (NCUSAR).

[Note: Day 1 morning presentations are not available thru SUSRIS. Check NCUSAR web site for more information on those panels.]

Keynote Address – Senator Chuck Hagel

Geo-Political Dynamics: Iran and Iraq

Amb Ronald Neumann – Chair, former US Ambassador to Afghanistan, Algeria and Bahrain

Dr. Judith Yaphe, Distinguished Research Fellow, Institute for National Strategic Studies, National Defense University

Dr. Trita Parsi, President, National American Iranian Affairs Council

Dr. Edmund Ghareeb, Mustafa Barzani Scholar of Global Kurdish Affairs

Dr. Kenneth Katzman, Senior Middle East Specialist, Congressional Research Service

Panel Questions and Answers

Energy

Dr. Frank Verrastro – Chair, Director, CSIS Energy Program

Hon. Clay Sell, DepSec and COO, US Dept of Energy

Dr. Mohammed Y. Al-Qahtani, President and CEO, Aramco Services Corp

Michael J. Dolan, President, ExxonMobil Chemical Co, and VP, ExxonMobil Corp

John D. Hofmeister, President, Shell Oil Co.

Gary R. Heminger, Exec VP, Marathon Oil Co and President Marathon Petroleum Co.

Sigmund L. Cornelius, Senior VP, ConocoPhillips

Panel Questions and Answers

Defense Cooperation Panel

MajGen William Nash (Ret) Chair

Dr. Anthony Cordesman

Dr. John Peterson

LtGen Martin Dempsey

Panel Questions and Answers

Developmental Dynamics

Dr. Joseph Moynihan, Chair

Amb Shaun Donnelly, Asst US Trade Rep

Jeremy Jones, Senior Strategic Fellow, Oxford Center for Islamic Studies

Dr. Odeh Aburdene, President OAI Advisors

Dr. Abdelrahim Foukara, Washington Bureau Chief, Al-Jazeerah International

Panel Questions and Answers

Keynote – Dr. Hussein Hassouna

Keynote – Amb Butler

Related Items:

National Council on US-Arab Relations (NCUSAR) Web Site

[Originally posted to SUSRIS.org]

SUSRIS EXCLUSIVE

An “Open Letter” from a Saudi Businessman – Revisited
A Conversation with Amr Khashoggi

Editor’s Note:

In February 2001 a group of visiting Americans heard the future King of Saudi Arabia, Crown Prince Abdullah, say, “We have a saying in Arabic that ‘A friend is someone who will be straightforward with you.’” It cleared the air for the frank discussion that followed, of the challenges that confronted the relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia.

Last year an “Open Letter” from Saudi businessman Amr Khashoggi was similarly frank, sincere and straightforward. It was a letter from the heart to friends. SUSRIS shared his letter with you for your consideration and now has asked Mr. Khashoggi to update his message. In this SUSRIS interview he gives his perspective on what has changed since he penned his “open letter” and describes his views on what remains to be done.

An Open Letter from a Saudi Businessman Revisited
A Conversation with Amr Khashoggi

SUSRIS: Thank you, Mr. Khashoggi, for sharing your perspective again on the relationship between Americans and Saudi Arabians. Your “Open Letter” last year, called “Working Shoulder to Shoulder,” attracted considerable attention, with many readers writing to you to share their views. Today I’d like to ask you about your current perceptions of the issues you addressed in the “Open Letter” early last year.

Amr Khashoggi: Firstly I would like to thank all the readers of the original article who wrote back to me with their well thought out responses and valuable comments. I have received positive, negative and some nasty emails from people from all over the world. Some took it personally and defensively. That was certainly not my intention, as I was critical of both sides, the U.S. and the Saudi.

We are still faced with a serious case of misunderstanding, misconception and deep ignorance and lack of awareness of the situation. We still have a lot to do to bridge the chasm created by extremists on both sides and their cohorts. When we stiffen our positions and dig our heals into the ground and shut our ears to honest, transparent and civil dialogue between our two nations, then the chasm will get bigger and we cannot build on our common values nor can we be in a position to respect our legitimate differences.

SUSRIS: Can you reflect on the progress that has been made in that effort since you wrote your letter?

Khashoggi: I have thought long and hard about this question in order to give it a fair shake. I’ve found there is no clear and single answer. I think we have made some progress in creating some awareness thanks to the efforts of organizations like SUSRIS and the Committee on International Trade of the Saudi Chambers of Commerce – through information and outreach. However, we are not yet working shoulder-to-shoulder in the full sense. There is trepidation and lack of trust among many on both sides. The efforts that are made are sporadic and superficial. The efforts are not sufficient enough to make an impact, in terms of frequency and consistency and depth. There has been some progress in the education field and, to a certain extent, among the business community. Unfortunately many in the American media are still busy with their campaigns against Saudi Arabia.

SUSRIS: Your letter, written in a spirit of honesty and transparency, took a critical look at shortcomings on both sides — the United States and Saudi Arabia. You said the Arab world was learning to “come clean,” to admit weaknesses and to develop “homegrown solutions” to problems. What is your current assessment of the shortcomings and the solutions?

Khashoggi: We have made some progress in addressing the problems we face. Our education system is going through a major reform process, but it cannot be done quickly enough. We have opened the doors to local and foreign investors in the education field. We are also inviting major universities and colleges from all over the world to come to Saudi Arabia and create universities and colleges there. However, we need many folds the number of universities and colleges to meet the growing demand of our students, especially when 60% of our population consists of men and women under the age of 20. We need to provide them with skills and abilities that would map with the job requirements. We need to make them educated, efficient, and employable.

In fact, a group of business and community leaders from Saudi Arabia and Jordan and I are organizing a conference on the “Next Generation” – the “Youth Bulge” – next spring in Jordan under the auspices of Her Majesty Queen Ranya. The attendees of this conference, by invitation only, are major decision makers in the Arab world. A select group of business leaders from the region and from abroad will be working closely on our steering committee. The attendees will focus on providing a “regional context” in order to set the stage, create awareness, and present the challenges of education and employment in the Arab world.

The “Youth Bulge” that may cause a “Youth Quake” or “Youth Volcano” is waiting for all of us to help them secure their future. 50-65% of the population of the Arab world is under the age of 24. The high proportion of young people creates a persistent pressure on the labor market. Arab states need to create 80-100 million new jobs by 2020, a mere 13 years hence, in order to accommodate the entry of their young population into the labor market. A growing private sector is an important source of employment for Arab youth. However, a marked absence of relevant skills and educational background contributes to continued unemployment among university graduates.

We are looking at creating several initiatives as a result of this conference, especially in public-private partnership to achieve our goals of making sure our young boys and girls are educated, efficient and employable. This is one step in the right direction, but I believe it is an important one that gives young people hope for a peaceful future rather than a fertile field for discontent and extremism. Without jobs, our young will resort to any means to earn their livelihood, even if it means through crime or worse still resort to substance abuse or vice. This for sure will impact the society in a big way. It is up to us to make sure that the impact is a positive one.

SUSRIS: The United States needed to “come clean” too, in your call for solutions. You talked about the “thorniest issues” — the regional security problems, as well as environmental, human rights and the question of visas — facilitating people-to-people relations. The last year has seen setbacks and progress in all of these. How would you grade developments in the areas you asked Americans to address?

Khashoggi: Everyone acknowledges there is a real threat from violent extremists and that threat exists whether you are in New York City, Madrid, London, Beirut, Baghdad or Riyadh or anywhere else. However, I cannot accept world leaders advancing their own agendas under the banner of the “war on terrorism” at any cost. One country cannot bomb another country to smithereens just because you want to kill a few terrorists.

Have you looked at the statistics coming out of Iraq? There are American casualties to be sure, but there are 10 or 20 times those numbers of casualties among Iraqis many of whom are innocent men and women and children. The whole security infrastructure of Iraq was totally demolished and rendered ineffective, so I cannot see how the United States expects to win the peace. Winning the war is easy, but it is a heavy price to pay both in human and physical capital.

Now we hear of an imminent threat to invade and bomb Iran. No thanks; we would rather deal with the Iranians through our own diplomatic and civil means and channels. You have not won in Iraq or in Afghanistan. What makes you think you can win in Syria or Iran?

As for improvements in the thorniest issues I mentioned above, we are not making much progress as far as speedy visas for businessmen and businesswomen as well as students. There is only the U.S. Embassy in Riyadh processing visas and they are overwhelmed because they are understaffed. The Consulates in Jeddah and Dammam are not allowed to handle visas. People – some of them old and sick – have to pay for travel to Riyadh and stay in hotels at great expense to have the required interviews before the visas are issued. And even then the visas are not guaranteed. Some are being refused for the most minor of reasons.

Visa decisions are still made in the United States and sometimes those can take months. By that time a student accepted to an American college has missed the start of studies deadline and has no choice but to go to another country, to which visas are issued usually within two – three weeks at most. Visas to the UK do not take more than 3 days.

Remember that students who go to America – and people of my generation were such students – becoming your unofficial ambassadors and will praising your country and the American people, as we still do today. And we do understand and make the distinction between the American people, the Congress and the Administration in America. In my experience, once an American, no matter what is his or her background learns the facts about my country, race and religion, they quickly become friendlier, more understanding and even act warmly. And vice versa, I have seen how Americans visiting Saudi Arabia and meeting the people reversing their position or at least showing more understanding. So people-to-people is truly a wonderful way to bridging our two countries’ relationship.

I was particularly impressed recently by two major overtures. First, the Congress passed a resolution recognizing officially the Eid Al-Fitr, marking and celebrating the end of our fasting the holy month of Ramadan and celebrating the break of the fast. Secondly, the decision by New York City to light up the Empire State Building in green marking the three days of the Eid, as is done for Christmas and Hanukah.

Equally impressive is a letter written by 138 Muslim scholars – including grand muftis from most of the world’s Islamic nations addressed to Christian leaders, including Pope Benedict XVI, every Orthodox patriarch, many other Eastern prelates and the heads of the Anglican, Lutheran, Methodist, and other Christian churches. The “open letter” highlighted in a striking and stark way the increasing breakdown between the two largest monotheistic faiths and appealed for a sort of strategic dialogue. An inter-faith dialogue is important and we need to have it among all religions of the world.

Such a rapprochement, such a dialogue, is what we need between our two nations. If you create awareness, then you create understanding. Through understanding you create respect of the differences between us and you build on our many, many common values. This is the process of making peace. On the other hand, misconception creates distrust, which creates hate and animosity, which always leads to disagreements and fighting. This is the process of making war. I would choose the path of peaceful human coexistence every time.

SUSRIS: Last year you said that economic interests shouldn’t be the sole basis of the relationship. However, we have witnessed a broad opening of trade and investment programs with China and other partners in East and South Asia. Do these come at the expense of US-Saudi business relations and are they the result of the post-9/11 “cooling” of bilateral ties or more simply the practical reality of global economics?

Khashoggi: Well, you have heard of the wise adage, “Don’t put all your eggs in one basket.” I think there is an element of that in the shift of business, as well as global economic factors impacting decisions by business leaders in selecting countries like China and India. You only need to look at the growth of trade and business – including investments – between the United States and China and India. We are no different.

There is another element, and that is the practicality of travel to the United States to meet with our American business partners. Not getting the visas easily or having to go through a lot of trouble to get them, made some Saudi businesses seek their trade from elsewhere. Still, we are closely linked to the United States. Our local currency, the Riyal, is pegged to the Dollar, in spite of inflationary pressures and the drop of the price of the dollar against major currencies, especially the Euro and the Sterling Pound. We still have large amounts of our reserves invested in the United States, as does China, by the way. Our trade between our two countries is still substantial and growing, albeit not at an accelerated pace.

SUSRIS: Some circles in the American media, you said, prefer to focus on the negative aspects of developments in the Kingdom and in the Saudi-US relationship. What would you like Americans to understand about Saudi Arabia that they don’t learn by reading and listening to the mainstream US media?

Khashoggi: I believe there is still a lot to do to convince media on both sides to report objectively and not to be incendiary in their language or in showing inflammatory pictures appearing in print or aired on broadcast media. I think we need a strong exchange program for journalists — maybe even building joint journalism schools in Saudi Arabia. The reporting of the truth is so important.

The Internet has also changed the dissemination of news and views a great deal – enabling people to be better informed than ever. Today, you can access almost any publication, radio or TV station, or other media from anywhere on the world. The power of the media is being acquired by the people for the people. For example, anyone can post on YouTube or post on any blog bits of information. It is left to the people accessing such information to evaluate it.

So, I suggest your people and mine go and search for reports in a variety of media outlets. Many of the foreign language media also provide English versions. I always read the local papers of any city I visit because I want to learn the local politics. I want to understand the different pressures facing the host society, including the people’s aspirations, fears and everyday struggles and achievements.

I recommend to your American readers that if they really want to learn about Saudi Arabia, come and visit the place. We will welcome you with open arms and you will see for yourself that we are actually a peace-loving nation. We may be more conservative than most nations, but we are not that much different when it comes to good family values.

SUSRIS: Lastly, you said it was necessary for all sectors of both American and Saudi societies to cooperate – academia, media, government, religious and business communities, and the public at large. Can you talk about cases where these sectors have done well to rebuild the historic connections and where they may have fallen short?

Khashoggi: As I said earlier, there has been some success and I alluded to cooperation in the religious and educational fields. There has been some in the business community because of old established relations and some new ones that have developed, but certainly not enough. There is more cooperation for sure between our two governments, especially in concerns about security. We need more cooperation between the media and definitely we need more people-to-people dialogues.

SUSRIS: We agree that accurate and clear information is the best remedy to misunderstanding. Thank you again, Mr. Khashoggi, for your insights and your work on repaving the bridges between Saudi Arabians and Americans.

Khashoggi: Thank you again for the opportunity to address your questions.

I want to close by saying that we are two nations that have been strong allies for the past 60-plus years. A group of crazy misfits carried out a heinous crime for which both of our nations continue to pay, even after five years since it happened. It is time for the wounds to heal.

We are reaching out to people in the United States – academia, media, government, religious, business communities, and the public at large – and we have made it known that it is our intention to interact with the world on the basis of equality, fairness, transparency, mutual respect, friendship and cooperation against not only terrorism but against poverty, ignorance, racism, abuse, ethnic cleansing, crime, diseases, environmental pollution, and all other ills facing our world.

NOTE:

Mr. Khashoggi indicated his interest in hearing back from readers of this interview, as he heard back on his original “Open Letter.” SUSRIS will forward responses sent to < info@SUSRIS.com > to him. This interview was conducted by an exchange of emails, which concluded on October 23 2007.

Mr. Amr Khashoggi is CEO of the Amkest Group, a holding company with interests in building materials manufacturing and services, food packaging, hygienic and medical products, and land transportation. He also serves as Vice-Chairman of Modern Computers & Communication, a provider of e-business services, consulting, and training, and is President of the Khashoggi Foundation, a family-based philanthropic organization.

Mr. Khashoggi is a former CEO of DITevents and a former CEO of Tanmiah Commercial Group, both of which provide event management of major conferences. He is also a former Managing Director of Triad Holding Corporation.

Mr. Khashoggi is a member of the Saudi Committee for the Development of International Trade (CIT) in the Saudi Chambers of Commerce and Industry. He is a former Chief Advisor to the CIT and Chief Coordinator of its Outreach Program. In addition, he is a Board Member of the Jeddah Marketing Board, a Member of the Committee of International Relations, and a Member of the Information Technology Committee of the Jeddah Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

Mr. Khashoggi holds a B.Sc. from Menlo College and an M.B.A. from Yale University School of Management.

Related Reporting

• An ” Open Letter” from a Saudi Businessman: Amr Khashoggi – January 2006
• Reform and Terrorism in Saudi Arabia – A Roundtable Discussion with Amr Khashoggi – SUSRIS IOI – Oct. 18, 2004
• Strengthening Arab-US Relations: What is Required? – Amr Khashoggi Talks About Regional Political Dynamics – SAF IOI – Oct 11, 2003
• Working Shoulder-to-Shoulder for Better Saudi-US Relations – SUSRIS IOI – Jan 12, 2006
• GulfWire Talks with Saudi Arabian Crown Prince Abdullah – Feb 4, 2001
• A Common Word between Us and You” – Muslims Call for Interfaith Peace – SUSRIS IOI – Oct 18, 2007
• U.S. House Passes Historic Ramadan Resolution – SUSRIS IOI – Oct 17, 2007

Editor’s Note:

The feature length documentary “HOME – Aramco Brats’ Story” will make its Houston, Texas premier at the River Oaks Theatre on October 24, 2007. The film shows life in Saudi Arabia “as seen through the eyes of the Western expatriate children who grew up there between 1933 and present day. Aramco Brats were the children of expatriate workers who were employed by Aramco (Arabian American Oil Company) and who spent their childhoods within the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.”

SUSRIS is pleased to bring you information about the Houston showing, a synopsis of the film and reviews, and a discussion of the film’s significance by Michael Saba, Executive Director, Friends of Saudi Arabia. You can learn more about the film by visiting: http://www.bratstory.com

HOME – The Aramco Brats’ Story
Houston Premier

Be prepared for filmmakers Matthew Kuehn Miller, Todd Albert Nims and Zachery Lawrence Nims to bring you inside the culture, the history, the religion, the community, the world of Saudi Arabia on an adventure that will leave you humbled, inspired and enlightened. Scenes of Salaam Films in association with Aramco Brat Media present you the Houston Premier of HOME-The Aramco Brats’ Story at the River Oaks Theatre on October 24, 2007.

The doors open at 6:30, when guests may arrive to the River Oaks Theatre where they will meet and greet while being served light Arabic refreshments at the upstairs lounge before they hurry to snag a good seat for the dedications and premier of HOME-The Aramco Brats’ Story at 8pm. Afterwards guests will have the opportunity to ask the Directors a few questions and socialize a little as well as support the filmmakers when picking up their copy of the HOME DVD.

Tickets are $5 at box office. Proceeds go to development of documentary films that capture the cultural exchanges and mutual benefits of diverse cultures working together.

For reservations go to http://www.BratStory.com

Date: Wednesday, Oct 24th, 2007

Time: Doors Open at 6:30pm to Upstairs Lounge; show goes on at 8pm sharp!

Location: River Oaks Theatre, 2009 West Gray St., Houston, Texas 77019

Tickets: $5 at the box office (Tickets good for $5 DVD discount)

RSVP: Seating not guaranteed without reservations. Reserve your seats online by writing names in “contact us” section on www.BratStory.com or sending your names to Houston@AramcoBratMedia.com with subject heading “Houston RSVP”

Will Call: Give name at box office to claim reservations . Unclaimed reservation will be released to the public at 7:30pm (30 minutes before premier) on the night of the premier

Parking: Allowed in any open spots in lots around theatre; open back lot behind strip mall across street.

Reception

Time: After premier until late.

Place: Sherlock’s Pub (a few doors down the street), 1952 W. Gray St., Houston, TX 77010

FILM SYNOPSIS:

HOME – The Aramco Brats’ Story

A film by Matthew Keuhn Miller,
Todd Albert Nims & Zachery Lawrence Nims

With all the attention given to the Middle East today, it is important that the Western public receives a complete picture in order that their opinions and sentiment toward Arabs and their homelands’ is a responsible one. Much of the history of these countries is left unacknowledged, untaught and for the most part, completely unspoken. One country in particular, Saudi Arabia, is clouded by mystery and stereotypes regarding the Islamic faith that its population holds. HOME – Aramco Brats’ Story is a feature length documentary film depicting the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia as seen through the eyes of the Western expatriate children who grew up there between 1933 and present day. Aramco Brats were the children of expatriate workers who were employed by Aramco (Arabian American Oil Company) and who spent their childhoods within the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The film is an amazing depiction of Saudi Arabia, Arabs and Islam narrated by nearly 100 average Western citizens of all faiths who choose not to concentrate on religion but rather look at the other cultural aspects that many miss when unfairly judging these people and their nations.

Beginning with the History of Saudi Arabia and its first monarch, King Abdullah Aziz Ibn Saud, HOME – The Aramco Brats’ Story mixes old and new media with the stories and commentary of average Western citizens to explore such topics as: Desert Storm, the Royal Family, the discovery of Oil in 1937, expatriate life within the region and the Western Media’s portrayal of Arabs and Islam. Throughout the film, the audience comes to realize that the reporting they have witnessed, the small vignettes of footage they have seen and the rumors they have heard are not indicative of the overall Arab culture. One of the most interesting facets of the film is found in the understanding these interviewees carry regarding the acclimation of the Islamic world into the new millennium’s Global Village. This privileged group of children and adults have, in their own way, inadvertently developed a Third Culture without denial of religion, race, color or creed that is representative of the future earth culture, with a goal that is nothing shy of world peace.

HOME – The Aramco Brats’ Story is one in the first of a series of films that will, without a doubt change the world. If you’ve ever held an opinion about the events of this day and age, or wanted to know more about the Arab world, this film is a must see. You will leave inspired, humbled, and enlightened.

Source: AB Media

We Are From the Same Planet
Michael Saba, Arab News

Recently, I attended an Aramco Brats reunion in Asheville, North Carolina. For those who don’t know, Aramco Brats are the sons and daughters of former employees of Aramco. There are thousands of them spread all over the United States and the rest of the world and their organization have about 4,500 members. They have had as many as one thousand people attending their reunions.

I listened as one of the American Aramco Brats was being interviewed. “Where are you from, Bob?” Bob answered, “Saudi Arabia”. “But where were you born?”

“Saudi Arabia”, Bob said.

“OK, what about your parents, where are they from?”

“Saudi Arabia”, he answered again.

“But, but where were they born?”

“Saudi Arabia”, Bob proudly replied.

Many of these Aramco Brats truly call Saudi Arabia home.

And that is exactly what the title of a new feature documentary film is called, “Home”.

“Home” is a movie produced and directed by three Aramco Brats, brothers Todd and Zach Nims and Mathew Kuehn Miller who was born in Saudi Arabia. It was done on a shoestring budget. Hundreds of Aramco Brats and I watched the premier of this film at the Asheville reunion. They laughed and cried together and at the end of the movie the producers and director were given a standing ovation. A similar reaction was seen a few weeks earlier when a mini-version of the film was shown in Orlando, Florida. And the majority of the audience in Orlando knew nothing about Saudi Arabia. The filmmakers stress the commonalities between Saudis and Americans.

The Nims brothers and Miller have formed Aramco Brat Media. On their website they state, “We at Aramco Brat Media, being Westerners who have lived in Saudi Arabia, feel it is our responsibility to protect American-Saudi relations by documenting and revealing the true-to-life cross-cultural relationships existing between Saudis and Americans that go unreported by the media.” They go on to say that this film is the first in a series that will further explore relationships between Saudis and Americans and they even plan a film about Ferial Masry, a Saudi American woman who has run and is running for political office in the United States. The Hollywood premier of their film is scheduled for Saturday at the Linwood Dunn Theater Academy Motion Picture Theater of Arts and Sciences.

Contrast this film with a Hollywood blockbuster entitled “The Kingdom” set to be released Sept. 28 throughout the United States. I have previously written about this movie in the Arab News. This movie focuses on terrorist incidents in Saudi Arabia where Americans living in Western compounds were killed. It stars two Academy Award winners, Jamie Fox and Chris Cooper, along with superstar Jennifer Garner and even country star Tim McGraw. It has an $80 million budget, will spend tens of millions of dollars more on promotion and with its thriller, shoot-em-up style looks to be a real box-office winner.

The PR campaign for “The Kingdom” has recently been jump-started with an article in the New York Times and the International Herald Tribune. In this article, the director Peter Berg and the producer, Mathew Michael Carnahan are quoted extensively. In Carnahan’s words,”’ The Kingdom’ is intended to figure out what would a murder investigation look like on Mars.” On Mars? Mr. Carnahan, we, Saudis and Americans, are all from the same planet! And you need to go see “Home” so you might better understand that. By the way, at the recent Orlando event mentioned earlier in this article, Saudi and American women played golf together as part of the occasion. Some of the media called and asked, “Do Saudi women really play golf?” The answer was, “Yes and they eat and sleep and walk also.”

The New York Times article begins, “’The Kingdom,’ a coming film about the FBI’s pursuit of Islamic bad guys in a not particularly hospitable Saudi Arabia, appears on the surface to tread on treacherous and polarized political ground.”

“Home” begins with warm hugs between Saudis and Americans. “Home” stresses similarities and commonalities whereas “The Kingdom” appears to be stressing differences and discord.

After this columnist wrote about the movie, “The Kingdom” in the Arab News earlier this year, he was contacted by the vice president of Universal Studios, which produced the movie, and the technical adviser to the film. To the credit of the producers, subsequently the movie’s trailer was changed, as was the original poster. And the text write-up of the film was altered, all for a more fair representation of Saudis and Saudi Arabia.

There appear also to be some redeeming qualities in the movie. One of the co-heroes of the film is a Saudi colonel who works closely with the Americans to capture and kill the terrorists in the movie. And a reviewer who viewed an advance showing of the movie stated, “’The Kingdom’ gets across its message of the need for different cultures to work out their problems and perspectives of each other without getting too preachy or political”.

I would like to make a suggestion. Since “Home” and “The Kingdom” are contemporary films, why doesn’t Universal Studios add a trailer at the end of “The Kingdom” which states that people who desire another perspective on Saudi Arabia might want to obtain a copy of “Home” and list how to do that. And, oh, “Home” can be purchased on planet Earth. You don’t have to go to Mars to get a copy.

Reprinted with permission of Arab News

REVIEWS

I was moved to tears from the start and by the time of the final credits I was crying while reading closing thanks to individuals and to the Saudi Royal Family with lyrics being sung in the background that made me smile as I cried. Wow, what a camel ride!
-Elise Forbes-Seeley, Expatriate who grew up in Saudi Arabia

This film was an artistic portrayal of a country and the effects its people and culture had on those who came fr